"If the Assad regime’s management of rent was shaped by a local context, the appropriation of the state by armed gangs is no cultural anomaly. It has emerged both as a condition and a limit of bourgeois revolution in the region. Today it is inscribed in the very restructuring of capitalist relations under the pressure of the global crisis of valorization and the shortage of surplus value.
In Syria, the profitable sectors from the point of view of capitalist investments can be counted on one hand: construction, extraction, transportation of commodities (and protection), drug trafficking, and the trade of militia loyalties to foreign powers.6 None belong to the “productive” sphere; all have a rentier dimension. These markets are dependent on state-linked positions—not as an instance of regulation, but as a distributor of monopolies. Competition between capitalists in such a configuration is decided by brute force and alliances with other brute forces. Within this structure, the line between proletarian and henchman grows increasingly blurred.
The fall of the Syrian regime coincided with a global crisis in which the scramble for rent markets has gone hand in hand with the spectacular erosion of the state-form oriented toward regulating inter-capitalist competition. The state “distinct from particular capitalists” (a never achieved ideal) has given way to a state increasingly captured by particular capitalist groups, competing for extractivist, land-based, and speculative markets under the constant threat of armed violence. This “state of barbarism” tends to prevail at the global level—not as an archaic form, but as the paradigm of a crisis of surplus-value seeking salvation in profits structured around rent positions."
https://brooklynrail.org/2025/10/field-notes/the-syrian-state-and-the-specter-of-the-proletariat/
#Syria #Assad #Capitalism #ClassWarfare #Proletarians #Marxism
The Syrian State and the Specter of the Proletariat | The Brooklyn Rail
In 2009, I lived for three months in the Tadamon neighborhood, in the suburbs of Damascus. In this suburb, regime control was less visible—a “periphery,” as sociologists call it, always careful to stay on the right side of the line. In 2011, gatherings began to form.