Health Self Defense ❤️🔥😷An invitation to the COVID Conscious community to anti-imperialism
https://maskupactup.substack.com/p/an-invitation-to-the-covid-conscious
Imperialism is unreformable. Many so-called leftists would remain silent if imperialist money were used for public schools or healthcare. This is a mistake. We cannot sacrifice our comrades in the Global South, believing it’s either them or us. It’s them and us. The entire global working class. We owe unconditional respect and solidarity not only to the national working class but also to our comrades in the Global South who suffer because of our imperialist state. We cannot fight against eugenics without fighting the empire.
Bad news: we live in an imperialist state. Good news: it means we can kill the beast from within. Let’s do the fucking work, comrades. Let’s honor the fight, let’s bring the fucking war home.
“Anti-imperialism is the struggle that now defines the efforts of the progressive People of the world, led by the working class, toward liberation- i.e., toward the end of capitalism and its hallmarks of fascism, imperialism, colonialism and semicolonialism, semifeudalism, and many more.
Imperialism is alive and well! Today the one hegemonic world imperialist superpower is the United States. Its stock exchanges and their biggest capitalists and conglomerations of capital set the pace of the world economy; it strongarms world law and politics through its domination of “international organizations” like the UN, and most importantly its financial auxiliaries (the IMF, the World Bank, and every other global cabal of capital-exporters); it holds the whole world in military terror through the ever-expanding octopus of armaments that is NATO. In every country in the world it parks its restaurants and its banks and its oil companies- above all, its capital, and sucks masses of surplus value to add to the capital of its own economy from the lifeblood of these countries. And it parks its military bases alongside them, to keep the locals and their “independent governments” in line! The characteristics of imperialism Lenin described should be obviously visible here.” On Material(ist) Dialectics and Imperialism
“The revolution is not an apple that falls when it is ripe. You have to make the apple fall.
It is possible to win and it is possible to win in our lifetime. This is a necessary starting point for any socialist revolution, anywhere, including in North America. Only when we begin with this proposition can we map a path to the seizure of state power. Any other starting point is defeatist. We are not here to equivocate, revise, or delay. We are here to bring about a total revolution in social relations.
It is shocking, then, to see professed revolutionaries in North America repudiate this principle. For example, when arguing for the support of international struggles, advocates will deftly expose the evils of imperialism and rightly insist upon solidarity in response, but what further direction do they give to those they win over? They direct us into elections, lobbying politicians, academic debate, and symbolic protest. In effect, the people with the closest proximity to the enemy are told they must act only as cheerleaders for resistance movements catching U.S. bombs abroad. Overthrowing our ruling class isn’t on the agenda, despite the benefit to international struggles that would come if we could tie down even a fraction of the U.S.’s ability to project violence across the world. The failure to consider this possibility cuts off all thought of accumulating the forces needed to make a rupture within the United States. And because accumulating forces through developing deep ties to the masses is the most stable base from which to escalate confrontation, dismissing this path also dismisses effective and sustained tactical escalations, such as coordinated direct action or sabotage.
if we take the recurring advice of the most advanced decolonial movements and their leaders, it is that we should learn to fight alongside them and push to be as combative and militant as they are; that the further we are able to push in that direction as a movement, the greater our contribution to their struggles against U.S. imperialism. In the words of Adolfo Gilly from his Introduction to Fanon’s A Dying Colonialism, “Instead of pitying us and being horrified by the atrocities of imperialism, better fight against it in your own country as we do in ours… That is the best way to help us and put an end to the atrocities.”” Revolution in Our Lifetime
“We shall see that the same process went on more slowly, in more varied forms, in a much wider field: on the one hand, the development of “parliamentary power” both in the republican countries (France, America, Switzerland), and in the monarchies (Britain, Germany to a certain extent, Italy, the Scandinavia countries, etc.); on the other hand, a struggle for power among the various bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties which distributed and redistributed the “spoils” of office, with the foundations of bourgeois society unchanged; and, lastly, the perfection and consolidation of the “executive power”, of its bureaucratic and military apparatus.” The State and Revolution, Lenin.
Lenin already showed us that even in a state with a democratic system of government, it remains a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Capitalist states, first through bourgeois revolutions and, second, through imperialism, are machines that have tended toward their own refinement, bureaucratization, and militarization. The dominance of the financial oligarchy brought about this evolution of states, culminating in state monopoly capitalism, where they actively participate in economic management, repression, and the guarantee of stability, along with the ever-increasing control of all aspects of the lives of the masses, all in accordance with the financial oligarchy’s agenda.
Today, we see that the situation is not only different from what Lenin described, but has worsened: we have professional politicians on the payroll, a highly militarized police force, and the state has become so pervasive that it regulates every aspect of social life. Historically, we have seen that in both imperialist countries and semi-colonies, when parties capable of being even minimally disruptive or proposing significant social policies come to power, they either tend to follow the same formulas as the other parties, watering down their discourse and proposals and becoming ineffective (Podemos in Spain, Syriza in Greece, etc.), or the financial oligarchy exerts its influence and has the power to bring down the government, as happened with Allende in Chile or how inflation itself buried French social democracy during Mitterrand’s government.
Despite all of the above, we currently observe that there has been no qualitative change regarding the role and form of parliamentary democracy in most imperialist countries, including our own. There is no qualitative change in the form of parliament and its “political obsolescence” in imperialist countries compared to the previous century, such as a shift to a more opaque or indirect electoral system, excessive extensions of government terms, blatant manipulation of election results, a more pyramidal electoral system, etc.
#MaskUp #WearAMask #CovidRealist #CovidIsAirbone #LongCovid #YallMasking #DisabledLiberation #DisabilityJustice
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