abolitionmedia29 and 30 Years Already: A Legacy of Struggle for Peru’s Present
Today, April 22, marks 29 years since the dictatorship of “Chino -bastard- Fujimori” executed the 14 members of the MRTA who had taken over the residence of the Japanese Ambassador in Peru (with hostages included), when the crème de la crème of the Peruvian power and Japanese authorities, celebrated the birthday of the Emperor of that Asian country on December 17, 1996 (this year marks the 30th anniversary of this heroic deed led by the historic leader of the MRTA, Néstor Cerpa).
This heroic act had the power to change the course of Peruvian history. Those 14 dignified lives that dared to confront the regime forever altered the destiny of Peru. Although the dictatorship of Chino and the sensationalist press (empowered by Montesinos) boasted of their betrayal of the negotiations and the execution of the 14 revolutionaries, the emergence of the MRTA changed the fate of that country. There is no doubt that it was a turning point, a true historical rupture.
The MRTA had long sought an event of this magnitude, one capable of seizing the national and international stage and bringing Peruvian reality to the forefront, particularly regarding political imprisonment and the living conditions of the majority of its people under the Fujimori regime, which had staged a self-coup in April 1992. In this quest for a breakthrough, the late Miguel Rincón Rincón was arrested along with an MRTA operational group as they were finalizing the details of an attack on the National Congress. The arrest was met with fierce gunfire.
The hostage situation was flawless; in the blink of an eye, the MRTA’s Edgard Sánchez Command had the government cornered, forcing it into negotiations. The operation was based on its simplicity, meaning it wasn’t overly complex in its design, which allowed it—among other things—to go unnoticed by the government’s intelligence agencies. That December 17, 1996 is not only forever etched in Peruvian history but also in world history and in the collective memory of revolutionaries worldwide.
The negotiations lasted a little over four months, enough time for the entire world to learn about the reality in Peru and the ethical and dignified conduct of the MRTA revolutionaries. The Catholic Church, represented by the then Archbishop of Ayacucho, Juan Luis Cipriani Thorne (who years later was accused of sexually abusing a minor), betrayed its role as guarantor of the negotiations, granting the government time and logistical support (including the introduction of microphones into the residence) to orchestrate and execute Operation Chavín de Huántar, which Fujimori morbidly celebrated. It has been proven that the order was to execute MRTA militants using the Instinctive Selective Shooting (ISS) tactic, which consists of “firing three shots in two seconds at the enemy’s vital organs (head or torso) and then firing a safety shot to the enemy’s head to ensure they are out of action.”
I don’t know what the MRTA is doing today; I don’t know if it still exists, but I do know something about the MRTA’s importance in Peruvian history. For the sake of historical accuracy, I will refer to that importance within the context of the struggle.
The Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA) was a revolutionary organization in Peru founded in 1982. Although the Peruvian government has always labeled it a terrorist organization, history has made it abundantly clear—whether people like it or not—that its origins are revolutionary. Guevarist in nature, based on the monumental legacy of Mariátegui and inspired by the warrior example of Túpac Amaru, the MRTA forged its own distinct path, thus transcending its initial composition as a convergence of various factions. The MRTA relentlessly attacked Peruvian democracy and the interests of U.S. imperialism in Peru, establishing itself as a genuine alternative for a different and better life for the Peruvian masses.
The actions of the Edgard Sánchez Command—as mentioned above—challenged Peruvian power; indeed, they marked the beginning of the end for the Alberto Fujimori regime. Although they did not achieve their objective immediately in the 1990s and were assassinated, they undeniably revealed to the entire world the reality of political imprisonment in Peru and the daily struggle for survival faced by the vast majority of the country’s population. This paved the way for substantial changes in Peruvian society and served as both the prelude and catalyst for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CVR). Among other things, the CVR enabled new trials for Peruvian subversives, trials that were no longer conducted by anonymous judges and, in many cases, resulted in changes to sentences, securing the freedom of many who had been condemned to never leave prison again.
From the moment the hostage crisis erupted at the Japanese ambassador’s residence in Peru, the entire world began to more directly question Fujimori’s perverse actions. His massacres, forced sterilizations, the workings of his intelligence apparatus, and his torture and executions became more widely known. National and international pressure intensified, bringing down the regime of “El Chino,” who ended up imprisoned, along with his advisor Montesinos and several of his agents. In other words, while justice was not fully achieved and the overall situation in the country did not improve, the actions of the Edgard Sánchez Command did bring about changes in Peruvian reality; their heroic gesture was by no means in vain.
Peruvian democracy is a clear example of the decay and staleness of that satellite-like conception and logic of the Yankee American dream. It’s abundantly clear that the solution lies elsewhere. Peruvian power is the epitome of corruption and bribery, and this democratic model (just like Chile’s) is, by definition, broad for the elites and narrow for the people. After a carousel of presidential impeachments, with former presidents in jail and one who committed suicide (the coward Alan García) to avoid prison, new presidential elections were recently held. Out of 35 candidates, Keiko Fujimori made it to the second round, and it’s still undecided who will face her in the runoff.
Twenty-nine years after the assassination of the MRTA militants and thirty years after the attack on the Edgard Sánchez command post, the MRTA made it abundantly clear that the path to transforming the lives of millions lies in revolution, not in the alternation of democratic administration. The hatred born of capitalism, in response to the MRTA’s just and ethical decision to take up arms, has not ended; the viciousness against its historic leaders continues. Miguel Rincón Rincón died in prison, and his body was not released to his family for a proper burial; he was cremated, and his ashes were scattered in an unknown location. Víctor Polay, having already served his 35-year sentence, was subjected to a new trial, accused of an incident in Tarapoto while he was in prison. Lucero Cumpa, who lives in exile, has been subjected to yet another trial by Peruvian capitalism, which aims to send him back to prison for decades.
We honor the courage and gallantry of the Edgard Sánchez Command; they risked everything, died true to their revolutionary principles, and changed the course of their country’s history.
Editorial Chile Popular. Resumen Latinoamericano April 24, 2026
https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=31888 #guerrilla #MRTA #peru #southAmerica
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