Earth's greatest enemy

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“After me, the flood:” recovering the Army’s accountability

Much has been written elsewhere regarding the unforgivable sin of failing to plan for known contingencies. Whatever one thinks of the current changes undergoing our Army here in the United States, the least controversial thing to be said about them is that they certainly represent a change from what has come before. And regardless of one what thinks, or refuses to think, about their merit, one can say one other thing for certain: they will eventually yield. Sooner or later, the “idiosyncrasies” of the current administration will again be replaced by “regular order.” They must; the only question is how long that transformation will take. As members of the profession of arms, we must at least consider how we will collectively re-establish some of the fundamental characteristics and capabilities of our military in the period that follows. 

This is essential, because any period of chaos or lack of resolve on our part has the potential to imperil the national defense. Without a plan, what could be a very bumpy transition could give rise to an exploitable opportunity on the part of America’s enemies to damage American interests, threaten America’s overseas holdings, gain footholds in the “near-abroad,” or threaten mainland America itself. The Army’s unshakable contract with the American people to fight and win the nation’s wars by providing prompt, sustained land dominance across the full spectrum for conflict does not leave a lot of time for navel gazing during periods of uncertainty or of transition. Insofar as that political uncertainty may unavoidably involve our Army, it is our responsibility to plan our way to the other side of it so that we may safeguard essential capabilities and be in a position to continue mission. 

Retaking the moral high ground (rule of law)

The current administration’s problematic relationship with the principles that inform the just use of force, such as the rule of law and the laws of land warfare, have been comprehensively documented elsewhere. Recent examples, in the form of exploding Venezuelan fishing boats accompanied by official pronouncements of indifference to the legal niceties of such action, make the direction we are moving in all too clear. What concerns us here is how best to put Humpty Dumpty back together again after he has been comprehensively damaged.

Respect for the law that underpins the just use of force, and especially the various international regimes that support it, is difficult to build and easy to dismantle. This is especially the case where the offending party has heretofore held a pre-eminent role in maintaining the status quo. As America abandons her post as the guardian of international law and of the rules-based international order to seek a role as one among several regional hegemons this will, by design, create a destabilizing environment for smaller nations and could lead to the readjustment of borders through conflict.

Thinking through to a future where America may once again seek to champion a rules-based international order, how might we, as nation and as an Army, seek to incentivize participation by smaller nations who we may have earlier abandoned to their fate? I would suggest, ironically, that by maintaining our military strength and capabilities we may again be able to benignly bully the world into a multilateral rules-based order that transcends “the law of the jungle” as we did in the post-WWII period. More than that, we would have to identify and maintain reservoirs of good practice and learning that survive the current period—such as the jurisprudence of the International Criminal Court, independent centers for the study of international law (in so far as our institutional ones do not avoid becoming fatally compromised), and independent expertise to whom we might have resort when we need them to rebuild our own institutional capacity.  

Rebuilding academic infrastructure

Similarly, the loss of academic independence and the curtailing of academic enquiry, although easy to achieve in a military almost entirely subordinate to the directives of our commander-in-chief, will be difficult to rebuild. The loss of faculty, of institutional knowledge and, most importantly, of credibility with the young men and women we seek to inculcate as the next generation of Army leaders will be challenging hurdles to overcome. Resort to pre-administration retirees, private sector instructors and expertise, as well as international faculty may assist us in expeditiously rebuilding lost capabilities. 

Rebuilding trust in the institution (civil-military relations)

The deployment of military forces among the people has the potential to undermine support for the Army at home. Insofar as the Army has the potential to be perceived as a tool for political repression at home, support for warfighting abroad could be significantly impaired. The size of the rehabilitative task will reflect how far the Army’s stock with the American people falls. This, of course, will be contingent on events. The fact remains that the civil authorities maintain insufficient coercive force to repress a restive domestic population and a recourse to military personnel and assets will become irresistible to a regime that seeks to achieve this. 

Should the worst occur, how might we recover? Units and leaders involved in domestic repression could be disbanded and held accountable. Alternatively, a (non-punitive) “Truth and Reconciliation”-type enquiry could also be used to seek an accounting of any transgressions while maintaining operational capacity. At worst, the German post-WWII model of remaking a new Army to replace the existing organization could be attempted, but that carries with it almost unacceptable strategic risks given the time required. As we learned from our experience in Iraq, disbanding an Army and replacing it with a new one provides a clean slate, but involves an almost incalculable loss of institutional knowledge and capacities.

Rebuilding trust in the institution (an Army for all Americans) 

Just as racial integration of our Army, as well as civil rights improvements on the home front, increased America’s capacity to fight by demonstrating that what America stood for was worth fighting for, the current push to excise transgender service members from the force will leave lasting scars on the formation that will take time to heal. Moreover, insofar as the Army becomes associated with this administration, either by association with unpopular or unlawful acts or by design, this will damage the ability of a future Army to recruit talent from across the spectrum of America. 

Recruiting has always benefitted from comprehensive marketing campaigns, but the theme of a future post-regime campaign must be carefully calibrated to communicate that the Army is again a welcoming place, ready to leverage the efforts and talents of all Americans in furtherance of its mission. Repairing civil-military relations, and re-establishing the pre-eminence of law and honest intellectual enquiry at the heart of the enterprise will, in time, also have positive knock-on effects on recruiting. 

The question of leadership

I have a great deal of confidence in the Army’s leadership, which has proved both loyal to the nation and deft at navigating a fraught political environment, where their oaths to the Constitution often have the potential to conflict with the requirement to follow orders. As long as the individuals in leadership are able to continue this balancing act, the transition to the post-whatever-this-administration-is could be a seamless one in the highest traditions of our non-partisan military. However, as the current administration seems set on challenging all the traditional boundaries heretofore operating to constrain government and military action, the possibility arises that some senior leaders will end up being compromised by complicity in extra-legal acts. As such, there will need to be both a public ritual of accountability as well as a ready cadre of new leadership with the confidence of the next administration prepared to step into leadership roles.

Garri Benjamin Hendell is a lieutenant colonel in the Pennsylvania Army National Guard. He has served three overseas deployments to the CENTCOM AOR, various training deployments to Europe, and served in 2022-2023 as the brigade task force S3 responsible for land forces in support of border operations. He is currently assigned to the operations staff in the 28th Infantry Division and serves as the Division Innovation Officer.

The views expressed here do not represent those of the Army National Guard, the Army, or the Department of Defense.

Cover image: Louis XV, to whom is attributed the phrase – “Apres moi, le deluge,” – “After me, the flood.” Courtesy Openverse.

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„The navy is seeking a cost estimate from a list of pre-qualified companies for "a temporary, self-sustaining military base of operations capable of supporting 10,000 personnel and providing 10,000 square feet of office space for a period of 12 months,” according to a Request for Information sent to eligible contractors.“

https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2025/11/12/world/politics/navy-base-gaza-us-troops/

🚗⚔️ Xe tăng M4A2 T10 của Mỹ trong Thế Chiến II có thiết kế 3 bánh độc đáo, chuyên dụng cho nhiệm vụ rà phá mìn. Khác biệt hoàn toàn so với những cỗ chiến xa Mỹ cùng thời kỳ, tạo nên hình dáng kỳ lạ và độc nhất vô nhị trong lịch sử quân sự.

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#USArmy
#shutdown

Der längste SHUTDOWN in USA:

US-Soldaten in Deutschland
sollen zur Tafel gehen:

Cartoon: ArtyFicial

#USArmy
#shutdown

Der längste SHUTDOWN in USA:

US-Soldaten in Deutschland
sollen zur Tafel gehen:

Cartoon: ArtyFicial

Deutschland: US-Armee schickt Soldaten zur Tafel - die reagiert „mindestens irritiert“ | SZ.de

https://www.sueddeutsche.de/bayern/deutschland-us-army-soldaten-tafel-shutdown-li.3335214

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