First test of Horizon Hunters Gathering had ZERO turnout 😅

Guerrilla and Sony are running round two: 22-25 May 2026 on PS5 and Steam, sign up via PlayStation Beta Program. New stuff in this test: two hunters, a story episode, higher difficulty, a new region and training modules. Devs preemptively explain it's an early, small-scale test to focus on core gameplay and tune the game from player feedback.

#SteamAndEpic #Hunters #PlayStation #Gathering #Guerrilla #Horizon

ELN extendió lapso de secuestro contra cuatro funcionarios colombianos con un juicio al estilo guerrillero

https://fed.brid.gy/r/https://lapatilla.com/2026/05/05/eln-extendio-lapso-de-secuestro-contra-cuatro-funcionarios-colombianos-con-un-juicio-al-estilo-guerrillero/

ELN: Fighting Against Hired Sicarios

The troops of the Vulcano Task Force (FTV), of the state Army, artificially maintain the name of ‘ex-FARC gang 33’, feeding it with mercenaries, scoundrels and hired sicarios, whom they use as ‘cannon fodder’ in the confrontation with the ELN forces in El Catatumbo.

In the combats, the ELN guerrillas face mercenaries and bandits who are not native to the territory and receive pay. A former soldier of the state Army was captured, who had just returned from Ukraine where he acted as a mercenary. Another captured on the 24th, who was wounded in the right leg, had been in the gang for three months and received a monthly salary of 2 million pesos.

Colombia is aware of the investigations of the Attorney General’s Office, which demonstrate how they hire sicarios to persecute and eliminate the social leadership, who they accuse of collaborating with the Northeastern War Front (FGNO) of the ELN, based in this area of ​​the national territory.

The FGNO guerrilla units fight the state Army troops assigned to the FTV and its narco-paramilitary arm Exfarc band 33, as shown in this War Report for the month of April 2026.

– 11, at 11:30 AM, in combat against the 33 paramilitary narco gang, at kilometer 17, Municipality of Tibú, Norte de Santander, there were several casualties between dead and wounded, who were evacuated through kilometer 14.

– 13, at 11:00 AM, in combat against the 33 paramilitary narco gang, at kilometer 16 of Tibú, 2 were injured and one dead.

– 13, at 11:30 AM, in combat against the 33 paramilitary narco gang, in the Caño Raya village of Tibú, 3 people died and 5 were injured.

– 15, at 1:30 PM, in combat against the 33 paramilitary narco gang, in the upper part of the Caño Raya village, in Tibú, 4 were injured and one dead.

– 16, at 10:30 PM, in combat against the 33 paramilitary narco gang, in the 29 de Mayo village of Tibú, there were unquantified casualties.

– 17, at 11:30 AM, in combat against the 33 paramilitary narco gang, in the Caño Raya village of Tibú, there were unquantified casualties.

– 17, at 10:36 pm, state military aviation bombs the villages of La Esperanza, El Diviso and Puerto Catatumbo in the municipality of El Tarra, where two ELN guerrillas die. These same sites were bombed again on the 18th at 12 midnight.

-18, after the bombings, troops from the Vulcano Task Force disembarked in helicopters. The patrols disembarked in the San Martín de Filo Gringo village were attacked at 3 PM by ELN units, using snipers and bombing with drones, which caused numerous casualties and forced them to flee in disarray, leaving behind a large amount of military, radio communications and quartermaster material.

– 20, at 5 AM, we bombed the State Army Military Base, located in El Alto, in the municipality of San Calixto, with 140 and 180 mm artillery, resulting in unquantified casualties.

– 23, at 6:00 AM, in half an hour of combat against the paramilitary narco gang of 33, in the Vereda Retiro Alto de Tibú, comrade Hormiga fell dead. Unquantified casualties occurred to the gang.

– 23, the 33 paramilitary narco gang attacks several of our positions with drones in the Vereda El Retiro de Tibú, where comrade Franco dies.

– 24, in 5 hours of combat against the narco-paramilitary gang of 33 at kilometer 19 of Tibú, in which we combined unmanned ships, artillery and infantry, 9 were killed and 11 wounded, among the casualties fell alias Mateo, a commander of the gang.

– 24, in Bocas de Orú in the El Tarra municipality, our exploration units found a member of the gang, wounded with a shot in one of his legs, who had been injured in the fighting on April 18 in the 20 de Julio village of Tibú, to whom we immediately provided medical assistance.

– 24, at 8:00 PM, in combat against the 33 paramilitary narco gang, at the La Pollera farm, located in the Caño Raya village of Tibú, a commander of the gang and two civilians who accompanied him were injured.

– 24, at 8:00 PM, we bombed the shelters of the drone pilots of the 33 paramilitary narco gang, causing unquantified casualties.

Directorate of the FGNO Commander in Chief Manuel Pérez Martínez of the ELN

Source: https://eln-voces.net/2026/05/04/combates-en-el-catatumbo-contra-sicarios-contratados/

No Encontré: No Matar de Juan Villegas

Ni siquiera encontré un trailer del documental para Colgar acá!

Algo más que NO encontré por ahí

ELN: Death, Falsehood and Criminal Alliance

The false narratives and blatant lies by the Military Forces (FFMM), under the command of the Minister of Defense, Pedro Sánchez, and General Hugo López, seem to have no shame or military honor.

Since last Friday, April 17, they have been developing another lie with which they not only deceive the country, but also cover up the reality of the war they are waging in Catatumbo. Well, on the night of April 17, they carried out aerial bombardment operations and artillery launches against territories and positions, where they presumed the ELN units were located.

After the bombings, on the 18th, they attempted to land from helicopters and enter the area, receiving a counterattack and response from ELN units, which inflicted several casualties and forced the soldiers to withdraw.

They immediately activated a falsehood and disinformation operation from the military high command and the Ministry of Defense, using the corporate media.

Curiously, simultaneously the narco-paramilitaries of the 33 gang attacked territories and communities, the ELN confronted them on the 18th and 19th, forcing them to withdraw with their casualties on their backs. Despite this, in Campo 2, Tibú district and in the Ye de Astilleros, municipality of Zulia, the paramilitary narco gang massacred 6 civilians, which are added to the crimes perpetrated in the 4 Esquinas neighborhood of the Filo Gringo district.

The Northeastern War Front (FGNO) of the ELN has the capacity and evidence to report that in these actions that occurred between the night of Friday, April 17 and Saturday, April 18, the Armed Forces suffered 2 deaths and 5 wounded. Also in their desperate withdrawal, they left 11 campaign teams abandoned with all their equipment and various logistical materials. On our part, we had the loss of a comrade.

The different versions issued by the FFMM and the Ministry of Defense not only violate the right to information, they also deceive about the reality of the war they are promoting in Catatumbo and the close alliance they maintain with the 33 paramilitary narco gang.

We call and invite the mothers and fathers of fallen soldiers to not allow manipulation of the bodies of their children, whom they send to war under foreign interests. Denying the dead, hiding them or covering up the reality of their death is part of their Doctrine, which ratifies the loss of any sense of people by the government.

Colombia… for the workers!

Not one step back… liberation or death!

Northeastern War Front

Commander in Chief Manuel Pérez Martínez

National Liberation Army

April 22, 2026

Source: https://eln-voces.net/2026/04/27/muerte-falsedad-y-alianza-criminal/

CPP Statement On The Toboso Massacre

We condemn in the strongest terms possible the Armed Forces of the Philippines, particularly the 79th Infantry Battalion, for the indiscriminate and inordinate killing of 19 people, both Red fighters of the New People’s Army, and unarmed individuals in Barangay Salamanca in Toboso Municipality, Negros Occidental Province last April 19.

We honor the squad of ten Red fighters of the NPA who fought the fascists to their last breath. They are:

1. Roger Fabillar (Ka Tapang), who served as NPA commander of the Northern Negros Front
2. Sonny Boy Caramihan, 28, from Barangay Bagonbon, San Carlos City;
3. Rene Villarin Sr, 57, Barangay Marcelo, Calatrava, squad leader;
4. Pedro Bonghanoy, medical officer, Barangay Libertad, Escalante City;
5. Arnel Javoc, 32, from Barangay Lalong, Calatrava;
6. Joros Caramihan y Ramos, 18, from Don Salvador Benedicto;
7. Maria Clarita Branzuel Blanco (Ka Sanim/Pat), Political Instructor; and
8. Genevieve Balora (Ka Raia), from Bacolod City, district Party cadre
9. Labskie Purisimia Enustacion, 33, of Sitio Tinibawan, Barangay Bug-ang, Toboso
10. Jocel Gimang, 18, of Sitio Bautista, Barangay Malasibog, Escalante City

We commiserate with the loved ones and comrades of the fallen Red fighters of the NPA. Their deaths weigh heavily on our hearts. As revolutionary warriors, they all selflessly served the Filipino people, especially the oppressed and exploited peasants and farm workers of Negros. They were deeply loved by the masses. Defying the military clampdown on their communities, people of Toboso and Calatrava lined up in long convoys to bring their beloved Red fighters to their final resting place, by way of expressing their high respects and deep gratitude.

The New People’s Army suffered a tactical defeat that fateful day, but remains clear-sighted and determined to advance along the revolutionary path towards strategic victory. The valiant stand and heroism of its Red fighters in Toboso inspire the oppressed masses to rise and resist through armed revolution. The blood spilt by the fallen warriors during their final battle nurtures the ground for the people’s war, from which will spring forth even more Red fighters of the New People’s Army.

We also extend our deepest condolences to the families and friends of:

1. Roel Sabillo, 19, resident of Barangay Tabunac, Toboso
2. R.J. Nichole Ledesma, 30, community journalist from Bacolod City
3. Alyssa Alano, councilor, UP Diliman Student Council
4. Maureen Keil Santuyo, 24, member, National Network of Agrarian Reform Advocates (NNARA-Youth)
5. Errol Wendel, 24, member, Unyon ng mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura
6. Jemina Gumadlas, 15, resident of Sitio Plarending, Barangay Salamanca, Toboso
7. Lyle Prijoles, 40, of the International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines, from San Franciso, California (USA)
8. Kai Sorem, 26, from Seattle, Washington (USA)
9. Dexter Patajo, 17, Sitio Buklog, Barangay Lalong, Calatrava, Negros Occidental Province

Based on the initial information we have gathered, they were killed despite the fact they were unarmed or non-combatants. Among them are a journalist, a student leader, peasant organizers, overseas human rights workers and local residents. Two of the victims were children.

We pay tribute to the victims of the Toboso Massacre, both the Red fighters and all those who selflessly chose to offer their strength, knowledge and abilities to serve the interests of the oppressed and exploited masses. Let us follow the path they took for the salvation of the nation.

The officers and operating troops of the AFP are culpable for willful and indiscriminate killing. They must be made to account and punished for their gross crimes under international humanitarian law.

Video footage from the AFP’s own drone cameras has also surfaced on social media showing Ka Tapang was alive, and apparently in no position to give battle. This indicates that he was summarily killed by the fascists, instead of being taken in as prisoner of war. We urge other conscionable elements of the AFP who possess other drone footage to smuggle these out and step forward to reveal real accounts of how the brutal crimes were carried out, against the stories being weaved by their superiors.

The AFP is desperately trying to cover up their crimes, concocting twisted facts to prop up its lies. The AFP’s initial claim that seven firearms were recovered from the site was later “updated” to 20 (later 24), to make it appear that all those killed were armed combatants.

The AFP forcibly evacuated local residents then cordoned them off to impose an information blackout and prevent the media and independent groups from conducting interviews and an effective investigation into the massacre. Days later, a military-organized group was allowed to conduct its own “fact finding mission,” a sham designed to fabricate an AFP certified story that aligns with their official fiction of a “legitimate operation.”

Incredulous, various personalities and sectors have called for an independent investigation. The Commission on Human Rights has announced it will conduct one, although it had made similar empty pronouncements in the past. Recall how it promised to investigate the 2023 Fausto family massacre in Himamaylan City, Negros Occidental Province involving the AFP’s 94th Infantry Battalion, but has failed to come up with anything substantive almost three years since.

The broad masses of the Filipino people suffer worsening forms of oppression and exploitation in the face of the deepening crisis under the Marcos puppet and fascist regime. Marcos has ordered his armed minions in the AFP and the National Task Force-ELCAC to escalate their attacks on the people in the guise of “peace and development.” Like his dictator father, Marcos Jr employs terror tactics to subject people to political repression, particularly in the countryside, where martial law reigns.

State terrorism has never succeeded in crushing the will of the people. The attacks of the Marcos regime will fail to stop the people from fighting back. On the contrary, its fascist brutality only sharpens the people’s resolve, making undeniable the justness and necessity of waging armed revolution.

The New People’s Army stands unwavering in its determination to deliver revolutionary justice to all victims of the Toboso massacre.

The flames of the people’s war will rage on and spread across the country, as the Filipino people’s aspiration for national freedom and genuine democracy burn strongly in their hearts.

Source : https://philippinerevolution.nu/statements/on-the-toboso-massacre/

Colombia registra la arremetida guerrillera más letal en décadas

https://fed.brid.gy/r/https://www.elnacional.com/2026/04/colombia-registra-la-arremetida-guerrillera-mas-letal-en-decadas/

29 and 30 Years Already: A Legacy of Struggle for Peru’s Present

Today, April 22, marks 29 years since the dictatorship of “Chino -bastard- Fujimori” executed the 14 members of the MRTA who had taken over the residence of the Japanese Ambassador in Peru (with hostages included), when the crème de la crème of the Peruvian power and Japanese authorities, celebrated the birthday of the Emperor of that Asian country on December 17, 1996 (this year marks the 30th anniversary of this heroic deed led by the historic leader of the MRTA, Néstor Cerpa).

This heroic act had the power to change the course of Peruvian history. Those 14 dignified lives that dared to confront the regime forever altered the destiny of Peru. Although the dictatorship of Chino and the sensationalist press (empowered by Montesinos) boasted of their betrayal of the negotiations and the execution of the 14 revolutionaries, the emergence of the MRTA changed the fate of that country. There is no doubt that it was a turning point, a true historical rupture.

The MRTA had long sought an event of this magnitude, one capable of seizing the national and international stage and bringing Peruvian reality to the forefront, particularly regarding political imprisonment and the living conditions of the majority of its people under the Fujimori regime, which had staged a self-coup in April 1992. In this quest for a breakthrough, the late Miguel Rincón Rincón was arrested along with an MRTA operational group as they were finalizing the details of an attack on the National Congress. The arrest was met with fierce gunfire.

The hostage situation was flawless; in the blink of an eye, the MRTA’s Edgard Sánchez Command had the government cornered, forcing it into negotiations. The operation was based on its simplicity, meaning it wasn’t overly complex in its design, which allowed it—among other things—to go unnoticed by the government’s intelligence agencies. That December 17, 1996 is not only forever etched in Peruvian history but also in world history and in the collective memory of revolutionaries worldwide.

The negotiations lasted a little over four months, enough time for the entire world to learn about the reality in Peru and the ethical and dignified conduct of the MRTA revolutionaries. The Catholic Church, represented by the then Archbishop of Ayacucho, Juan Luis Cipriani Thorne (who years later was accused of sexually abusing a minor), betrayed its role as guarantor of the negotiations, granting the government time and logistical support (including the introduction of microphones into the residence) to orchestrate and execute Operation Chavín de Huántar, which Fujimori morbidly celebrated. It has been proven that the order was to execute MRTA militants using the Instinctive Selective Shooting (ISS) tactic, which consists of “firing three shots in two seconds at the enemy’s vital organs (head or torso) and then firing a safety shot to the enemy’s head to ensure they are out of action.”

I don’t know what the MRTA is doing today; I don’t know if it still exists, but I do know something about the MRTA’s importance in Peruvian history. For the sake of historical accuracy, I will refer to that importance within the context of the struggle.

The Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA) was a revolutionary organization in Peru founded in 1982. Although the Peruvian government has always labeled it a terrorist organization, history has made it abundantly clear—whether people like it or not—that its origins are revolutionary. Guevarist in nature, based on the monumental legacy of Mariátegui and inspired by the warrior example of Túpac Amaru, the MRTA forged its own distinct path, thus transcending its initial composition as a convergence of various factions. The MRTA relentlessly attacked Peruvian democracy and the interests of U.S. imperialism in Peru, establishing itself as a genuine alternative for a different and better life for the Peruvian masses.

The actions of the Edgard Sánchez Command—as mentioned above—challenged Peruvian power; indeed, they marked the beginning of the end for the Alberto Fujimori regime. Although they did not achieve their objective immediately in the 1990s and were assassinated, they undeniably revealed to the entire world the reality of political imprisonment in Peru and the daily struggle for survival faced by the vast majority of the country’s population. This paved the way for substantial changes in Peruvian society and served as both the prelude and catalyst for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CVR). Among other things, the CVR enabled new trials for Peruvian subversives, trials that were no longer conducted by anonymous judges and, in many cases, resulted in changes to sentences, securing the freedom of many who had been condemned to never leave prison again.

From the moment the hostage crisis erupted at the Japanese ambassador’s residence in Peru, the entire world began to more directly question Fujimori’s perverse actions. His massacres, forced sterilizations, the workings of his intelligence apparatus, and his torture and executions became more widely known. National and international pressure intensified, bringing down the regime of “El Chino,” who ended up imprisoned, along with his advisor Montesinos and several of his agents. In other words, while justice was not fully achieved and the overall situation in the country did not improve, the actions of the Edgard Sánchez Command did bring about changes in Peruvian reality; their heroic gesture was by no means in vain.

Peruvian democracy is a clear example of the decay and staleness of that satellite-like conception and logic of the Yankee American dream. It’s abundantly clear that the solution lies elsewhere. Peruvian power is the epitome of corruption and bribery, and this democratic model (just like Chile’s) is, by definition, broad for the elites and narrow for the people. After a carousel of presidential impeachments, with former presidents in jail and one who committed suicide (the coward Alan García) to avoid prison, new presidential elections were recently held. Out of 35 candidates, Keiko Fujimori made it to the second round, and it’s still undecided who will face her in the runoff.

Twenty-nine years after the assassination of the MRTA militants and thirty years after the attack on the Edgard Sánchez command post, the MRTA made it abundantly clear that the path to transforming the lives of millions lies in revolution, not in the alternation of democratic administration. The hatred born of capitalism, in response to the MRTA’s just and ethical decision to take up arms, has not ended; the viciousness against its historic leaders continues. Miguel Rincón Rincón died in prison, and his body was not released to his family for a proper burial; he was cremated, and his ashes were scattered in an unknown location. Víctor Polay, having already served his 35-year sentence, was subjected to a new trial, accused of an incident in Tarapoto while he was in prison. Lucero Cumpa, who lives in exile, has been subjected to yet another trial by Peruvian capitalism, which aims to send him back to prison for decades.

We honor the courage and gallantry of the Edgard Sánchez Command; they risked everything, died true to their revolutionary principles, and changed the course of their country’s history.

Editorial Chile Popular. Resumen Latinoamericano April 24, 2026

Acquaintace: "I'm TOFTS, man. Overworked, underpaid, a lot of responsibility and no authority,laden with idiots or left on my own without resources."

Me:

#TOFTS #guerrilla