Greece: Eternal Honour to the Anarchist—Member of the Revolutionary Struggle, Lambros Fountas

HONOR FOREVER TO THE ANARCHIST –
MEMBER OF THE REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE, LAMBROS FOUNTAS

On March 10, 2010, in Dafni, preparations for a major operation by Revolutionary Struggle aimed at sabotaging the enforcement of the “memorandum” were in their final stages. The attempt to seize a vehicle that the organisation would use for this action resulted in a clash with the cops. Comrade Lambros Fountas, our beloved comrade-in-arms in the struggle, was killed. Nothing would ever be the same again.

The Revolutionary Struggle—the struggle to block the “memorandum,” the struggle to overthrow the ruling regime and bring about social revolution—suffered a severe blow. The organisation had publicly stated that it anticipated the Greek state’s bankruptcy as a consequence of the 2008 global economic crisis and had demonstrated the scale of its actions, primarily through the bombing of the stock exchange in September 2009. It had spoken of its goals and the opportunities that the economic crisis and the widespread delegitimisation of the political and economic system during that period would open up. It had publicly declared that the only way out of the crisis would be a Social Revolution.

A month later, the first crackdown against the organisation took place, along with the arrests.

The death of our comrade was a very significant event. It was significant not only for us, his comrades in Revolutionary Struggle, and not only for the anarchist movement in which he had been actively involved for many years and was particularly beloved by all his comrades. It was not only significant for Revolutionary Struggle, whose activities had been frozen for two years.

Above all, it was significant for the overwhelming majority of society, which was mercilessly battered by the devastating storm of loan agreements. Lambros was an integral part of a strategy of armed action that unfolded with the onset of the economic crisis and sought, through strikes of great political and economic significance, to prevent the political and economic system—which at that time was in a state of great instability and deep crisis—from regaining its stability.

For the loan agreements to be approved, social and political stability was a prerequisite. Armed action aimed at preventing the achievement of this goal, carried out through dynamic and effective measures, would have turned the Greek capitalist system into a dangerous arena because it would be vulnerable to armed attacks; this action would act as a brake on creditors’ decisions to transfer their capital to the country and lend to governments that would be unable to impose social and political control. Because the most decisive factor for the state and capital to overcome their systemic crises is the maintenance of faith in the system itself.

By 2010, confidence had collapsed within the global financial system. No economic or political actor trusted any credit or investment organisation or institution. No one trusted the Greek governments or the Greek banks. Because no one trusted any bank worldwide. In short, within the economic and political system, no one trusted anyone, and faith in the system of power itself had been deeply shaken.

The collapse of this trust was, for the first time in capitalist history, of such a large scale and significance. It was a structural factor in the collapse of capitalist functioning in the country and the de facto bankruptcy of the Greek state.

The loan agreements, with the onerous terms imposed, were intended to prevent an admission of bankruptcy. These were loan agreements designed to save the banks in Greece and Europe, to save the economic ruling class, to save the system—not the social base. This was the “bitter” realisation that the overwhelming majority of society eventually came to understand.

Comrade Lambros Fountas and his actions, the actions of Revolutionary Struggle during that period, sought to ensure that faith in the capitalist system and its re-stabilisation would not find fertile ground. Alongside the social reactions and uprisings of those years, Comrade Fountas’ actions could have become a significant factor in the overall struggle to prevent the “memorandum” from being passed. Comrade Lambros Fountas was destined to become the figure who embodied all the anxiety of society during that period. Because he was the armed fighter of all those who resisted the troika and the institutions, the Greek state, and the policies of social extermination for the economic “consolidation” of the capitalist system. Because he is the first and the last casualty of the struggle against the “memorandum.” Because he was and remains the voice of the necessity—then, now, and always—of the Social Revolution.

Today, sixteen years later, we are living through the aftermath of a profound political, economic, and social transformation that began with the 2008 economic crisis and the “memorandum” era. Because what was at stake in 2010 was not just the lending terms of the “memorandaum” the cuts to wages and pensions, the layoffs, or the closures of small businesses. Through these policies, a new model of power was established, and that period marked a historic turning point for the transformation of the capitalist system and modern state power. The “experiment” implemented in our country by lenders and supranational economic and political institutions did not concern only us; it concerned and continues to concern all countries.

It was an “experiment” that was imposed and cemented in the blood of an entire people, with thousands of suicides, with untreated illnesses, with children fainting in schools from hunger, with the conditions of a modern occupation and violence that became the norm for the years that followed, right up to the present day. It was an unprecedented class war. With this “experiment,” the centers of power in Europe and the world were asking “if a people like this, with its history of struggle and resistance, could endure the harsh measures we impose without revolting, then the most totalitarian control and the imposition of the most extreme measures of economic exploitation on any other people is possible.”

The fear of a social revolution in Greece in 2010 tormented all those in positions of political and economic power in Europe and beyond. They had explicitly stated, publicly and without mincing words, that a revolution in this country was a possible outcome. They themselves believed that there were subjective factors that could give impetus to such a development. Among the factors contributing to this fear, they considered the armed activities of Revolutionary Struggle, which were reaching their peak at that time, to be significant. Their fear was not limited to domestic destabilisation. A revolution, if it had taken place, would have swept up the countries of southern Europe and triggered a domino effect of capitalist collapses and social uprisings. Lambros Fountas’ actions sought to make this fear a reality.

In the end, the social backlash was not strong enough to prevent the imposition of the “memorandum,” a prevention that could not have been achieved without overthrowing the country’s political and economic power structure. This is the ultimate historical conclusion of that period.

Nothing has improved in the living conditions of the social majority, which is experiencing its own long-term and never-ending economic crisis that is reaching the brink of social collapse. On the contrary, the “resilience” shown by the social base in the face of the rapid rise in poverty during that period paved the way for the consolidation of the contemporary model of exploitation and oppression by the state and capital. The transformation that began then and was consolidated through ineffective social resistance gave rise to the cannibalistic system in a social context dominated by the illusion of the possibility of “individual detachment.” In other words, a context dominated by social defeatism, introversion, and resignation.

While official economic data paint a picture of economic prosperity for the wealthy in this country, the majority of people are sinking deeper and deeper into endless poverty. Greek debt is far higher than it was in 2010, yet faith in the Greek state’s resilience makes the country a model of subjugation for the extraction of profits and the security of capital investments. The loan agreements from the “memorandum” era will remain in force, along with their terms, for many more decades, and new debt will be added to the old, which future generations will be forced to shoulder.

As for the 2008 economic crisis, the greatest that modern capitalism has ever experienced, it never ended. The economic and political centers of power are still attempting to manage it with the same tools and formulas that created it. The concentration of economic, political, and social power in the hands of an ever-smaller few—which was the most decisive factor in the outbreak of the 2008 crisis— has now reached even more extreme levels, and class divisions across the globe have turned the gap between great wealth and poverty into an abyss.

The lack of a clear path out of the crisis is leading to the head-on transnational conflicts the world is currently experiencing. States, led by the United States, Israel, and Europe, are now revealing the true face of the state as an institution of centralized power and control over societies—manifested in brutal military and police violence, wars, and boundless repression. They are revealing in all its magnitude their hostile nature toward societies, the murderous nature of capitalism both within and beyond borders, and are bringing us ever closer to a catastrophic, all-out war.

The radical transformation of the system of power and the revelation of its true nature came about as a result of the dead ends created by the crisis, combined with the absence of radical social resistance and the unrestrained use of multifaceted methods to enforce social compliance with living conditions that are increasingly unbearable for the social majority. Housing, food, and health are no longer guaranteed for the largest segment of society, and even the minimal degree of their guarantee requires ever greater sacrifices. The social and political threat has ceased to exist following the suppression of the social resistance of 2010–12 and no longer concerns the centers of power. State control and violence are increasing more and more as this social threat from below fails to reemerge.

Since no revolutionary movement in 2010–2011 managed to halt or overturn the destructive policies that the state and capital had imposed on the country, a defeatist mindset—based on the assumption that nothing can be stopped or changed—has become ingrained in the social fabric. What the end of the struggles achieved back then was a profound psychological transformation of a society that accepted living without pride, without its dignity. Because these two factors were then, and will always be, decisive for a society that refuses to bow its head.

Comrade Lambros Fountas was, is, and will forever remain the example of the revolutionary who, with a weapon in hand, fought to prevent the defeat and subjugation of an entire society from becoming a reality. He will remain the light that enlivens the dignity, courage, and pride of anarchists, revolutionaries, and the oppressed. His struggle was the struggle of this society that did not want subjugation, did not want to bow its head.

Comrade Lambros Fountas embodies that unwavering dignity and fighting spirit that any struggle must possess to be victorious. That is why he is the champion of all the oppressed. He is and will forever remain the fighter who shows that the only way out of modern slavery, of daily social humiliation, the only way out of capitalist and state barbarism, wars, the threat of death—the only way out to a life of freedom, to a life of dignity—is the Social Revolution. We honor Lambros Fountas not only for who he was and what we knew of him, but also for everything he stood for. We honor him because he himself was the bearer of radical social change. He was the bearer of a society of equality and freedom

LAMBROS FOUNTAS WILL LIVE FOREVER IN THE STRUGGLE

FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION

Pola Roupa

Nikos Maziotis, Domokos Prison

Source: https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1640103/

Greece: Eternal Honour to the Anarchist—Member of the Revolutionary Sruggle, Lambros Fountas

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=30080 #anarchist #europe #greece #lambrosFountas #nikosMaziotis #polaRoupa #revolutionaryStruggle #socialRevolution

Stop scrolling, start connecting! 🚀✨

Experience the magic of Ronza Chat — where the world meets! 🌎 High-speed vibes, elite community, and endless conversations. Don't just watch the trend, BE the trend. 💎💬

Join the elite now: 🔗 https://ronza4chat.online

#RonzaChat #GlobalVibes #Networking #TrendAlert #SocialRevolution #Connect #Viral #Chat

Charity als Aufpolierung des Selbstbildes ist vor allem zu Weihnachten seitens übermäßig vermögender Menschen gebräuchlich. Leider hilft Charity nur kurzfristig und beendet nicht das System, was die Ungerechtigkeiten erschafft. Für eine solidarische Welt benötigen wir genau deshalb „Mutual Aid“ oder auf Deutsch „gegenseitige Hilfe“. Horizontal organisierte Netzwerk in denen einander geholfen und unterstützt wird als Ablösung von Almosen der Oberschicht.

Habt euch lieb!

#sozialrevolution
#anarchismus
#kommunismus
#plattformismus
#anarchism
#communism
#platformism
#socialrevolution
#revolution
#socialism
#hannover
#weihnachten
#nächstenliebe
#charity
#mutualaid

Was ist Plattformismus?

Der Plattformismus ist eine Strömung des Anarcho-Kommunismus, die darauf abzielt, anarchistische Bewegungen effizienter und strukturierter zu gestalten. Die Ideen wurden 1926 in der "Organisatorischen Plattform der Allgemeinen Anarchistischen Union" formuliert, einem Werk, das unter anderem von Nestor Machno verfasst wurde. Er analysierte das Scheitern der anarchistischen Bewegung während der russischen Revolution und identifizierte mangelnde Organisation als Hauptursache.
Um dem entgegenzuwirken, entwickelte er vier zentrale Prinzipien:
1. eine theoretische Einheit, bei der alle Mitglieder eine gemeinsame ideologische Basis teilen sollten.
2.eine tatkitsche Einheit, um anarchistische Aktionen gezielt zu koordinieren.
3. die kollektive Verantwortung, damit Entscheidungen gemeinsam getragen werden.
4. den Föderalismus, der autonome Gruppen vernetzt, aber nicht zentralisiert.

Plattformismus unterscheidet sich demnach vor allem durch seine Organisationsstruktur von anderen anarchistischen Strömugen. Während viele Anarchist*innen auf spontane und dezentrale Bewegungen setzen, verfolgt er eine geplante, strategische Heransgehensweise. Damit grenzt er sich sowohl vom Individualanarchismus als auch vom autoritären Kommunismus ab, der eine zentralisierte Kontrolle über revolutionäre Prozesse anstrebt.

In der Praxis zeigt sich der Plattformismus in sozialen Bewegungen.Historische Beispiele für seinen Einfluss reichen von anarchistischen Gruppen in der spanischen Revolution bis hin zu modernen Organisationen wie der FAU (Freie Arbeiter*innen Union) und der "Plattform" in Deutschland oder dem internationalen Anarkismo-Netzwerk. Auch Bewegungen wie die Zapatistas in Mexiko sind in Teilen plattformistisch angehaucht.

Heute ist der Plattformismus kaum bekannt, doch sind seine Ansätze weit verbreitet. In der deutschen antifaschistischen Bewegung sind beispielsweise das Zusammenwirken aus Autonomie und Vernetzung bekannt. Dennoch sehen wir, dass weitere Aspekte des Plattformismus nötig sind, um eine sozialrevolutionäre Bewegung aufzubauen. Denn die theoretische und taktische Einheit ist wichtig, damit eine Organisation ihre Ziele effektiv verfolgen kann.

Unser Ziel ist es, die Ideen des Plattformismus voranzutreiben und zu verbreiten, um eine klassenbewusste, antiautoritäre Bewegung aufzubauen.

Für die soziale Revolution!

#sozialrevolution #anarchismus #kommunismus #plattformismus #anarchism #communism #platformism #socialrevolution #revolution #socialism #hannover

I'm an anarchist thats what the black flag and A in my handle mean

That means a lot of things to a lot of people although there are principles on power, authority, the nature of the state and how to do revolution (sometimes called praxis) that anarchists broadly agree on its that last part that we most often disagree on ime

A part of my theory of change is that revolution cannot be forced, broadly I mean that if you try to change society now with the customs and beliefs that people individually hold they will reconstruct hierarchies of oppression either consciously or not

One subject that often gets left out of leftist and anarchist spaces is non-human oppression, say we seize the means of production tomorrow and we organize society democratically and horizontally, with the rest of the culture unchanged would humans stop killing and oppressing non-humans? I choose this example bc I believe its the most stark.

The system has deeply poisoned our culture and our psychology, we have developed a learned helplessness so pervasive that for many it is easier to imagine the end of capitalism than the end of authority and hierarchy

So what do I propose: social revolution and prefigurative revolution, the first being that revolution starts at the interpersonal level, work with things that are inside of your control and embody your ideals to the best of your ability without giving into perfectionism or pessimism. The second idea prefiguration is linked, create social relations and organizations that are modeled after the world you want, build the new in the shell of the old.

It will be small at first, a book cycle club, a community fridge, a neighborhood group chat for emergency preparedness or community event planning. But if the ground is fertile and nurtured lovingly it will blossom, the benefits of community cooperation are material and compounding.

The road from these beginnings to what we could confidently call an anarchist society would not be straightforward it would be full of setbacks just like early capitalism faced and a full consideration of revolutionary organizing past this point is beyond the scope of this toot (check [1] you're interested in an essay recommendation about that)

but if I am right and this is the most resilient road to revolution then by the time we win the collapse of the state will have long been a forgone conclusion, just as a united but dispersed mycelium network can topple the tallest tree: we will have rotted the state's pillars of power by stumbling up onto our own feet and rendering it obsolete

I invite discussion and disagreements I will try to respond to as much as I can

[1]
Anark Constructing The Revolution, 2020
Essay version:
http://libraryqxxiqakubqv3dc2bend2koqsndbwox2johfywcatxie26bsad.onion/library/anark-constructing-the-revolution
(this is tor onion link it can't be opened in most browsers use the tor browser if you dont know where to start)
Video Essay Version:
https://youtu.be/W9K6ISx8QEQ
(please use an alternative youtube front end of your choice if possible google is evil)

#Anarchism #Prefiguration #Revolution #SocialRevolution #Speciesism #HumanSupremacy #Capitalism

🚀 Prepariamoci ad accogliere un nuovo giocatore nel mondo dei social, ChatGPT è pronto per lo sbarco online! #ChatGPT #SocialRevolution

🔗 https://www.tomshw.it/hardware/chatgpt-si-prepara-ai-messaggi-diretti-social-2025-10-05

ChatGPT si prepara a diventare social

OpenAI punta a trasformare ChatGPT da semplice chatbot a piattaforma più ampia, superando i limiti di un modello linguistico tradizionale.

Tom's Hardware

It is interesting how contrary to the revolutionary outlook of a golden future that could be, fascist movements base their ideal often on a golden historical period that never was.

#fascism #socialrevolution #revolution #anarchism #socialism #libertariansocialism

It is so crazy, on the one hand all (somehow honest) media outlets are clear, in #Gaza a genocide is being committed, yet our goverments are not doing a single thing to stop it. And yet still, all these same governments have the guts to remember the Holocaust and say 'How could this happen?' and 'Never again!'. It is not even that they do not do anything to stop it, they actually are actively supporting it: by continuously delivering weapons, giving military aid in the form of intelligence (what ever that means), by giving legal backup or blocking legal repercussions etc.

It is really that perfidious.

And the crazy thing is, all that is happening in Gaza is not just a humanist and moral catastrophe, it is also a practical one. Because these same governments who are supporting #Israel in their #Genocide, are ruling over us. And by the time we all realised we want to rise up against them because we want to live free and self-determined, their violence and genocidal tendencies have normalised so much, that we have to fear for our lives when standing up.

No moral appeal will hold back our governments for unleashing their technologically organized hell upon us, the people by the time we stand up. Therefore, we cannot afford, to show any hesitation by the time we do. At that moment, it will be them, or us.

#SocialRevolution #EyesOnGaza #NeverAgain #Anarchism

Here's the always relevant Andrewism, reflecting on how the genocide in Gaza exposes the lies and myths in the system of "democracy" and "freedom" the West supposedly enjoys.

Paraphrasing someone much smarter than me: "I love the idea of western democracy, we should try it one day."

How Gaza Exposes The Myths Of The System
https://youtu.be/Z-uYmxsyQwA

#FreePalestine #sanctionIsrael #fromTheRiverToTheSea #StopTheGenocide #SocialRevolution

How Gaza Exposes The Myths Of The System

YouTube

📍 Instagram revolution: il mix perfetto tra Retweet e Snap Map sta per arrivare! La nostra social life sta per cambiare radicamente! #InstagramUpdates #SocialRevolution

🔗 https://www.tomshw.it/smartphone/instagram-introduce-due-nuove-funzioni-social-2025-08-07

Instagram prende spunto da Retweet e Snap Map

Meta aggiorna Instagram con nuove funzionalità social ispirate ad altri servizi, migliorando l'esperienza di condivisione di foto e video.

Tom's Hardware