Ancient Greek Kit is Hard to Make
A Red Figure lekythos (oil flask) with crouched warriors with shields and helmets from around 500 BCE. Image c/o https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/252540 (Object Number: 26.60.76)Bret Devereaux has published his second essay about the debate about early Greek warfare with some back and forth from Richard Taylor and Hergrim. This week I will follow up on one of the questions which newcomers to the debate often have, namely why until around 2015 researchers rarely obtained replica kit and tried it out. There are many reasons, but the biggest reason is that ancient kit is hard to make.
For this post lets focus on the ancient Greek hoplite shield, the Argive shield (Greek aspis Argolike) or clipeus. The Greeks mostly just called it a shield (aspis) but its hard for English speakers to say that word without snickering. This shield is shaped roughly like a soup plate with a socket that the arm goes through and a grip for the hand.
A replica hoplite shield by Matthew Amt care of https://www.larp.com/hoplite/hoplon.htmlAny clever teenager with access to a garage and a hardware store can make a flat or trough-shaped shield like a Roman scutum, a Viking round shield, or a Norman kite shield in a weekend. It will probably be too thick and too heavy but even those problems can be solved with the right materials. A domed shield is much more difficult to make. Most workers today use one of three techniques: either they glue thick boards together and hollow them out with gouges and chisels, or they glue the same boards and spin them on a power lathe, or they glue rings of wood on top of each other and grind them down with power tools. The solution with the power lathe is very dangerous because if any of the glued seams fail, a large piece of timber will go flying at high velocity. It also requires a specialist woodworking shop with trained workers. The solution with gouges and chisels is slow and a shield can need to be discarded if the glue fails. My second attempt on a smaller shield was more successful. Gouges (chisels with C-section blades) are not in every toolbox either. Matthew Amt’s Greek Hoplite Page has a few links on the ring method.
There are many other steps in making a shield, like covering it with canvas or rawhide and then gesso to paint. I hope I have time to post about them on Patreon one day.
Greek shields also have many little metal fittings, from rings around the wall of the bowl which hold a mysterious rope, to the grip for the fist, to reinforcements for the sleeve which goes over the wielder’s forearm (this sleeve was probably usually of wood or perhaps hide, but that has rotted away leaving the bronze face or reinforcing strap). Many of these are decorated. Sometimes the face of the shield or the rim of the shield is covered in very thin bronze sheet. You cannot buy copper-tin bronze sheet wider than 6″/15 cm, and the widely available brass (copper-zinc) and phosphorus bronze behave differently than true bronze. So to make a good replica, you need coppersmithing skills, and possibly some casting or engraving. The more steps, sets of tools, and skills in a project, the more likely you are to abandon it half way done.
These days there are makers in India, Pakistan, and low-wage parts of Europe who will make Argive shields. But shipping those shields is also expensive. A fragile package 90 cm wide, 90 cm long, and 10-15 cm deep is not something you can just toss on your bike and drop off at Canada Post on the way to work. To test moving as a group or fighting in a line, you need at least a dozen shields. Making those one at a time by hand is a bother, and importing them or shipping them to a distant event is expensive.
Today some people have made plastic shields with injection moulding or similar technologies. Those were not available until recently, and require negotiating with a specialty shop and paying in advance for the tooling. Ordering them from a distant factory has similar issues to ordering a wooden shield. The plastic shields will tend to be the wrong weight, but are very durable. Paul Bardunias recommends taking a disc of plywood, cutting a hole for your upper arm and drilling four holes for straps, sticking your arm through and gripping it from the outside if you just want to feel what you can do while holding a big domed shield. The International Hoplite Discussion group on Facebook has people who love to talk about the pros and cons of various options (no link because Facebook- ed.)
Its hard to even learn what you need to learn about what the ancient shields were like. The first handy reference was a painting and description of a shield in the Vatican Museum by Peter Connolly in the 1970s. Then in 1982 British archaeologist and engineer Philip Henry Blyth published a report on the same shield, but it was printed in a journal best obtained by visiting the Vatican Museum gift shop. In 2004 Basilike G. Stamatopoulou published a whole PhD thesis on the Argive shield in her native language of Modern Greek. There are also a variety of specialist archaeological publications in German. Only in 2016 did Kevin Rowan de Groote publish an article in English which summarized research on the hoplite shield in other European languages. The first book to suggest that two lines of hoplites came together like a rugby scrum was published in 1911, so there was one hundred years between the theory appearing in print and it becoming easy to learn what ancient shields were actually like. Because information about the real shields is hard to obtain, people often rely on their memories of visits to museums and vague impressions. Argive shields are certainly large and heavy as shields go, but not nearly as heavy as some people expect.
A bad replica can be worse than no replica at all. Almost all copies of ancient arms and armour are at least 50% too heavy, because the originals seem too delicate and it takes more skill to work thin bronze or thin wood without cracking it. Victor Davis Hanson’s back-field trials in the 1980s reinforced his idea that hoplite kit was heavy and bulky, because he and his students didn’t have any way of knowing what materials to use or how heavy they should be. Students at a newly-founded program at a small town in California were not going to obtain and translate site reports in German and Peter Connolly’s book just had a few notes!
If you are an academic in natural science, or work for a well-funded business with expense accounts, its hard to understate how limited the funds for studying the ancient world are. All kinds of research and service are completed at the author’s expense in time freed from teaching and administration and conventional research (not to mention one’s partner, children, parents, pets, and non-academic friends). A few thousand dollars and the need to coordinate three or four different contractors can be a barrier too great to overcome. People with entrepreneurial instincts rarely become philologists and ancient historians.
So its hard and expensive to learn what you need to learn about ancient Greek shields, then to make one or have someone else make one. Its even harder to make up or buy a batch of them to try things out in groups. That is one major reason why the academic debate about early Greek warfare tended to be an armchair debate until about ten years ago. The growing connections between academia and reenactment are not a magic wand, but certainly better than just trying to understand by reading the old texts and staring at the old paintings and sculptures.
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(scheduled 22 November 2025)
#ancient #bonusPost #earlyGreekWarfare #hopliteWars #methodology #researchHistory #shieldFemale Military Historians
Detail from a New Kingdom relief of soldiers in the Museo Civico, Bologna. Photo by Sean Manning September 2018.I have said that the ‘hoplite debate’ from 1989 to 2013 was an argument between people who were very similar to each other. One way they were the same was that they were almost all men. Is that because academic military history in general is male-dominated? That would not be a very good argument because military history is so marginal at universities that most people who do it have another research field. But more importantly, I can think of about two dozen 40 fifty sixty women who have made significant contributions to the study of war in the ancient and medieval worlds. From my point of view, a doctoral dissertation, scholarly book, or several influential articles are enough to be significant.
Ancient (47)
Medieval (15)
Active Before 1950 (4+)
In the years before US entry into WW II, Fletcher Pratt’s naval wargame had a large and enthusiastic contingent of female players.
One reason why these names may not be familiar to people who followed the hoplite debate is that they often focused on topics like arms and armour, artwork, documents, and horses which were marginalized by the ‘California School’ (what some people used to call the ‘orthodoxy’).
I don’t think that the sex of researchers in the hoplite debate shaped their conclusions in the way that US politics or their identification with classical philology shaped their conclusions. But just as there are many military historians who are not Anglos, there are many military historians who are not men. The current phase of research into warfare in the Iron Age Aegean is being shaped by researchers who are archaeologists, researchers from outside the US and UK, and maybe researchers who are women. I look forward to learning what this more diverse community of researchers will come up with!
Do you have any names to add to this list? Add them in the comments or send me an email!
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(scheduled 6 January 2022, outlined in late 2021)
Eine neuer Artikel beschäftigt sich mit der #Forschungsgeschichte und der aktuellen Beweislage zu weiblicher Herrschaft und matrilinearen Netzwerken in der #Ägäis während des #Neolithikum und der frühen #Bronzezeit.
A new article discusses the #researchhistory and current state of the art about female rule and matrlinear networks in Aegaen #Neolithic and early #BronzeAge.
Herodotus Didn’t Say That, Eduard Meyer Did
When I walked along the breakwater at Bregenz, I did not meet any old drunks willing to tell me the town’s terrible secrets for a tot of Schnapps, but that is a different winter story.It has been too long since my last cheerful winter story, so on this Winter Solistice I will tell another.
Like the protagonist of a H.P. Lovecraft story, I came to Innsbruck to look for answers. The scholarship on Achaemenid armies in English was repetitive and fell apart at the first gentle question, but was there something more trustworthy in German? Duncan Head and Nicholas Sekunda cited all kinds of people who nobody else I was reading talked about. So I visited the wood-panelled Law Library reading room on the banks of a river named in a dead tongue, and borrowed an old copy of Eduard Meyer’s Geschichte des Altertums from a librarian who seemed surprised to have visitors. The first edition of Meyer’s Geschichte was completed in 1902, the last revision was in 1965 a generation after his death. Meyer tried to integrate the history of early Greece into the history of Egypt and Mesopotamia. And when I came to the following passage, I realized that the horrors were deeper and older than I had thought:
Among the Persians both infantry and cavalry were armed with large bows and reed arrows, lances of about six feet long and small daggers carried in their belt. Although Darius boasts that the Persian lance had gone forth far, nevertheless the bow was the characteristic national weapon. The king carries it on monuments and coins, where he is portrayed as a warrior; the Persian youths learned to speak the truth, ride the horse, and shoot the bow.
It was the hail of arrows, with which they overshadowed the enemy, and the assault and energetic pursuit of the cavalry to which the Persians owed their victories over the lancers on horseback and the footmen of the Lydians and over the Babylonian army, which was in part only armed with lances and short weapons and also wore iron helmets. The combat between Persians and Greeks is a struggle between bow and lance … The Persians threw together great masses of people for war, but they did not understand how to properly use them. The separation of the horsemen, bowmen, and spear fighters into separate divisions dated back to Kyaxares (Hdt. I.103); but we do not know of a further organizational arrangement. The contingents of the individual nations and the Persian corps were arrayed for battle in large rectangles; in the center the king or the general took his position. The majority of the troops could not participate in the fighting and could only have effect through their mass. In great plains one sought to outflank the enemy and attack them in the flanks and rear, in narrower terrain the monstrous numbers became rather a hindrance and hemmed in the free deployment and movement of the core troops. The decision was achieved by the Persian and Saka horsemen and the bowmen of the infantry. In order to reinforce the attack one placed scythed chariots in front of the battle line, to throw the enemy squadrons into disorder and mow them down. A special type of troops was the camel riders composed of Arabs, who Kyros had used effectively against the Lydian horsemen in his battle against Kroesos.
There are three remarkable things about this passage. The first is that while at first it seems to be based on the classical literary sources, in fact it erases much of what they say and adds things which are not in any ancient writer. No ancient text says that the Persians relied on archers and cavalry, that Babylonian infantry were mostly spearmen, or that the Persians tried to outflank and encircle their enemies more than other nations did. Both Herodotus and Xenophon suggest that the Persians of Cyrus were not particularly good horsemen: Herodotus’ Cyrus needed to use a trick to defeat the Lydian horsemen, and Xenophon’s Cyrus has his big men learn to fight on horseback like the Medes. I can’t think of anything in the ancient sources like the French charge at Courtrai or Marshal Ney’s charge at Waterloo where Persian cavalry rush forward after a preliminary bombardment by the rest of the army. Herodotus’ and Aeschylyus’ Persians don’t have scythed chariots or put the general in the centre of the line, and Xenophon’s and Arrian’s Persians do not have camel riders or lack hoplites. Meyer’s Persian army is not Herodotus’ Persian army, Xenophon’s Persian army, or Curtius’ Persian army. It is a kind of Frankenstein’s Monster, made by breaking up the classical sources into isolated ‘facts,’ choosing a few of them, and reassembling them according to the author’s vision. The result is impressive until you notice the sutures and start to smell the parts which were not chosen rotting in a back room.
The second remarkable thing is that nothing in this passage is based on indigenous sources, even though documents mentioning soldiers in Babylonia and Egypt were published during Eduard Meyer’s lifetime. It alludes to Darius’ tomb inscription at Naqš-e Rustam, to the Achaemenid ‘archer’ coins, and to the reliefs at Susa and Persepolis, but these are used to confirm ‘facts’ in the classical literary sources, not as independent sources of information. When Darius’ tomb inscription seems to contradict Herodotus and Aeschylus, Meyer tells his readers not to doubt the Greek authorities. Meyer does not believe that texts, artefacts, or artwork from the Achaemenid Empire show us any aspect of the army which classical writers do not mention or force us to reject any statement by those authors.
The third remarkable thing is that modern writer after modern writer says very similar things, whether they are in the habit of reading Wilhelmine German tomes or not. J.M. Cook in 1983 (English, an archaeologist by profession):
The Persian infantry’s normal procedure seems to have been to advance and set up their wicker shields as a hedge from behind which they fired their arrows into the enemy. When these were exhausted they engaged the foe in hand-to-hand fighting. Herodotus describes two battles which went to the second stage and were long drawn out- that of Cyrus with the Massagetai on the Jaxartes and Cambyses’ against the Egyptians at Pelousion. But usually the Persian infantry seems to have expected to make short work of an enemy who had already been harassed and softened up by cavalry and missiles.
Dandamayev and Lukonin 1989 (Soviet, Assyriological):
The combined operations of the cavalry and bowmen assured the Persians victory in many wars, and until the beginning of the Graeco-Persian wars there was no army that could withstand the Persian army. The bowmen would throw the ranks of the opponent into disarray, and after this the cavalry would annihilate them.
And I could go on and on as my hollow voice drilled into your brain like the wind off the Antarctic Plateau.
When I shut the volume in that grey winter I had learned a terrible truth. What looks like a consensus amongst experts is actually 100 years of writers repeating what their teachers and textbooks told them in the latest fashionable phrasing. The standard picture of how Persian armies fought falls apart under a few minutes of gentle questioning, but very few people have posed those questions in print. Much of what we tell ourselves about Persian armies comes from Eduard Meyer (or Michael Caine!) not Herodotus.
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Further Reading: Eduard Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, 4. Book, 1. Band Das Heerwesen http://www.zeno.org/Geschichte/
This post is based on chapter 6 of my PhD thesis, Armed Force in the Teispid-Achaemenid Empire (2018), soon to be published with a European academic press.
Edit 2022-10-08: added link to the European academic press
#AchaemenidEmpire #ancient #EduardMeyer #Herodotus #researchHistory #whimsy