The most interesting part for me was this comment:
[…] Shomsky primarily relies on published speeches and articles, which is acceptable for the pre-Balfour Declaration era. However, regarding the Mandate period, where Zionist political activity had a more concrete basis, he should have also consulted documents such as letters and confidential discussions. When reading these, the historical context must always be considered. It's impossible to understand Ben-Gurion's stance on a Jewish state without acknowledging the Arab problem and the significant role of the British. When Ben-Gurion and Berl Katznelson adopted the parity concept (in contrast to Ben-Gurion's federalist idea) in the early 1930s, their primary concern was the Arab demand for a parliament reflecting the demographic makeup of the population—meaning Arab dominance—a demand the British were inclined to accept. The maximum the Zionists were willing to concede was parity in representation, even though Jews constituted no more than 20% of the population. The book omits the complexities arising after the 1929 riots, thus misrepresenting parity as an acceptance of autonomous sub-states and a renunciation of a Jewish state, as Shomsky portrays Ben-Gurion's position. This brings us back to the question of a Jewish majority. Ben-Gurion and his associates were willing to compromise with the Arabs but never to relinquish a future Jewish majority or recognize an existing Arab majority. When the British concluded that peaceful coexistence between the two communities in Palestine was impossible, they proposed the Partition Plan. From that point onward, there was no turning back; sovereignty with territory became the fundamental element upon which the Jewish state would be built.
"The #Nakba is a structure, not an event. Its authors openly admit its aims" explains Dr. #ArdiImseis, professor of #InternationalLaw, Queen's University, Canada
https://youtu.be/aHh0ech78Kc
#NakbaDay #Nakba76 #Palestine #Palestinians #PalestineQuestion #Nakba2 #Gaza #WarOnGaza #Palestinians #UNSCOP @palestine
"The US actually understood quite early on that the partition plan as proposed by #UNSCOP was not workable and not feasible [..] The US did more than think about going back on partition. In March 1948 [..] the US actually proposed in the Security Council that an international trusteeship be appointed for #Palestine instead of partition." - #JoshRuebner
#Nakba 1948: What Washington Knew
https://youtu.be/8fMiKXebU9Y
#Nakba76 #NakbaDay #PalestinianNakba #PalestineQuestion #Palestinians @palestine
#Gaza / The UN Can’t Stop Gaza From Being a Hostage to American Power
The United Nations has consistently failed to uphold the rights and aspirations of the Palestinian people, a failure that can be traced back to the ill-conceived and biased recommendations of the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (#UNSCOP) in 1947. This pattern of neglect and prioritization of Western interests over Palestinian self-determination has been a constant throughout the UN's history, reflecting a fundamental disregard for the organization's own charter and principles.
In that respect, nothing has changed.
[...] In the end, whether that will is “binding” or not matters less than whether it is enforceable. And tragically, without US backing, it is not. Evidence of that was in ample supply in the week following the resolution’s passage. As the bloody assault on Gaza continued, the Biden administration approved yet another transfer of “bunker-busting” bombs to Israel—all while acknowledging that hunger among Gazans has reached a tipping point. A recent report showed that mass starvation is “imminent” and that Gaza has more people at the highest risk for starvation than Somalia had at the peak of its 1992 famine.
Badawi, Samer. “The UN Can’t Stop Gaza From Being a Hostage to American Power,” April 2, 2024. https://www.thenation.com/article/world/un-gaza-ceasefire-us/.
#Palestine and the UN / Imseis, Ardi. The United Nations and the Question of Palestine: Rule by Law and the Structure of International Legal Subalternity. Cambridge, United Kingdom ; New york, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2024.
Imseis criticizes the two-state solution, stating that it was not aligned with core principles of international law when originally envisioned and has contributed to Palestine's contingent status in the international legal order. Despite the Palestinian Liberation Organization's recognition of Israel in 1988 and acceptance of the partition plan of 1947, the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian Territory remains in place, raising questions about the validity of this historical compromise.
[...] Put simply, partition could never be legal without the freely expressed consent of the governed, and in #Palestine the vast majority of the population outright refused partition as an abomination of international law and their right to self-determination vis a vis the European settlers in their midst. Examination of the #UN record, in the form of the public and private meetings and report of the UN Special Committee on Palestine (#UNSCOP) as well as the General Assembly debates that followed, demonstrates that partition was not based on these international legal considerations. Rather, it was driven by powerful European states and their settler-colonial affiliates. The UN record reveals that the declared goal of these states was to rectify Europe’s centuries-old Jewish question in the wake of the #Holocaust and to do so at the expense of the innocent third-party Palestinians.
@palestine
@israel
@bookstodon
#UN #UNRWA #Palestine #SettlerColonialism
#bookstodon #histodon