Burkina Faso: The Rise of a Nation That Said No to the West

In a world shaped by quiet subjugation and subtle control, Burkina Faso is roaring back, loud, unapologetic, and uncompromising.

This small West African nation, once dismissed as a “failed state,” is flipping the imperial script with surgical precision. In under five years, it has expelled French troops, rejected IMF loans, nationalized foreign-owned mines, powered cities with solar energy, and rolled out its own line of electric vehicles.

How?

At the center of this transformation is 37-year-old Captain Ibrahim Traoré, Africa’s youngest head of state and arguably the West’s newest geopolitical headache. Once a dusty pawn in France’s post-colonial chessboard, Burkina Faso is today a defiant voice in global geopolitics. And it’s not just about one man, it’s about what he represents: a continent done with dependency.

And it’s not just about one man, it’s about what he represents: a continent done with dependency.

The man who makes the West squirm

Since taking power in September 2022, Traoré has reportedly survived at least 19 assassination attempts. The targets were real. The message was clear.

Why? Because he’s dangerous, to the status quo.

He is young, military-trained, and ideologically focused. He speaks not in diplomatic pleasantries, but in the language of sovereignty, dignity, and pride. Through social media and grassroots broadcasts, his words reach far beyond his borders, inspiring a new generation of African youth. He has no interest in being legitimized by Paris or Washington.

Instead, he’s forging new alliances, with Mali, Niger, Guinea, and Russia, under the Alliance of Sahel States, a regional bloc anchored in self-defense, resource control, and African-led governance.

The threat is so real that Traoré has publicly said: “They want me dead, not because I failed, but because I refused to kneel.”

From French Colony to IMF Laboratory

France colonized Burkina Faso, then Upper Volta, in 1896. It extracted gold, cotton, and labor, and left behind a hollowed state by 1960. But even after independence, France’s grip never loosened. It continued to dominate the economy through control of the CFA franc, foreign mining contracts, and military presence under the guise of “counterterrorism.”
For decades, Burkina Faso lived in a loop: coups, Western aid, IMF austerity, repeat. Structural adjustment programs slashed health and education spending while protecting elite interests. Meanwhile, French and Canadian companies extracted over 60,000 kilograms of gold annually by 2024, while most Burkinabè remained in poverty.

The Black President the West can’t control

When Traoré, a little-known military captain, ousted the French-aligned regime in September 2022, it wasn’t just a change of leadership; it was a rupture. Traoré didn’t just challenge the West rhetorically. He has done it operationally.

But Traoré didn’t stop at regime change. He launched a revolution, not with slogans, but with blueprints.

• He expelled French troops.
  He rejected IMF loans, calling them “modern-day slavery.”
  He told foreign donors to stop building mosques and start building factories.

As he bluntly put it in a widely circulated interview, “Don’t bring us aid. Bring us ownership. We’ll run the manufacturing facilities ourselves.”

The revolution was basic, but radical

Captain Ibrahim Traoré didn’t arrive with billion-dollar bailouts or corporate mega-deals.
He did the basics. Just the basics. But in a region sabotaged by centuries of extraction and dependency, doing the basics was revolutionary.

He focused on nation-building, community-building, and economic development. He prioritized education over military spending, science over religion, manufacturing over dependency, and agriculture over mining. He focused on food security, community empowerment through small businesses, and natural resources conservation through sustainable agriculture practices, mining with a plan, and self-sustenance through local production of goods. He beefed up government services to provide basic needs such as healthcare, education, and electricity. He ripped the governance of corruption and financial misappropriation.

• Education over war: In 2023, after cutting defense ties with France, Burkina Faso expanded investments in education. The government launched school meal programs, restored rural classrooms with solar power, and increased funding for universities and technical institutes by over 40%. The goal: produce engineers, not aid recipients.
• Science over religion: When Gulf donors offered to build 200 mosques, Traoré refused. “We don’t need more mosques. We need factories,” he said. In 2024 alone, more than 500 local technicians were trained in solar energy and electric vehicle manufacturing. New training centers in Ouagadougou and Bobo-Dioulasso are preparing youth for careers in electric vehicle production, renewable energy, and light manufacturing.
  • Solar power and electricity: In 2021, only 19% of Burkina Faso had access to electricity. By 2025, solar plants like Zagtouli (33 MW), Kodeni (38 MW), and Zina (26.6 MW) added over 150 MW of clean energy capacity. Off-grid solar microgrids began powering rural health clinics, schools, and small businesses.
  • Homegrown EVs: In 2025, Burkina Faso launched the ITAOUA, a 100% solar-powered electric car designed and built locally. With a range of 330 km, it’s a symbol of national pride and proof that the country doesn’t need to import the future, it can build it.
• Agriculture over mining: Traoré didn’t abandon mining, but he demanded it work for the people. From 2023 to 2025, food production increased by 30%, driven by subsidies for seeds, solar irrigation, and rural cooperatives. Over 200,000 smallholders received access to off-grid storage and market access. New mining licenses now require community benefit clauses and environmental accountability.
• Governance: In just two years, over 900 government officials were investigated for corruption. A special audit unit was established to oversee public procurement and natural resource management. Government presence in rural areas increased by over 40%, restoring trust in basic public services like healthcare, water, and education.
• Gold and sovereignty: A national gold refinery, opened in 2024, now allows Burkina Faso to process its own mineral wealth for the first time. Traoré is also moving to nationalize foreign-run mines, ensuring profits stay within the country instead of being siphoned off.
• Healthcare: Under Traoré, the government launched solar-powered mobile clinics offering maternal care, HIV testing, and cancer screenings, especially in areas where health services were once only available through foreign NGOs.

Traoré’s genius wasn’t in declaring independence. It was in making it visible, through food on tables, light in homes, teachers in classrooms, and factories run by Burkinabè hands.

In a world where many leaders chase headlines and foreign handshakes, Traoré chose something rare: he governed, he turned sovereignty from an abstract concept into a lived experience.

And that, more than anything, is what shook the West: a leader who didn’t beg for recognition but built a system that couldn’t be ignored.

Contrast this with Pakistan, where the state has long been held hostage by a toxic mix of religious extremism, foreign debt, and military-first governance. Decades of IMF bailouts, military compromise, and external dependencies have left the nation politically unstable, economically shackled, and branded as an eternal beggar.

Wise Traoré saw that trap, and refused to walk into it. Instead, he turned down aid with strings. He demanded partnerships with ownership. And, he rebuilt his nation by starting where others wouldn’t, at the roots.

The voice the West can’t silence

Burkina Faso’s revolution isn’t just political. It’s cultural. It’s generational. It’s viral.

Across Africa and the Global South, Traoré is no longer just a president. He’s become a symbol of what’s possible when sovereignty is not for sale.

The age of silence is over. The Global South is speaking. And Ibrahim Traoré is the voice the West can’t shut down.

#africa #AfricaDevelopment #AfricaRising #AfricanLeadership #AfricanSovereignty #antiColonialism #BurkinaFaso #BurkinaFasoEV #decolonization #goldNationalization #IbrahimTraoré #IMFRejection #militaryLeadership #news #PanAfricanism #politics #postColonialAfrica #SahelStates #selfReliantAfrica #solarPowerAfrica #SymbolOfResistance #TraoreRevolution #WestAfrica #youthInPower

‘Don’t Pee On My Leg And Tell Me It’s Raining’ — Burkina Faso

Capt. Ibrahim Traoré, president of Burkina Faso, is once again under attack, this time by the United States of America.

Why does the U.S. always seem to find a way to pit us Blacks against each other? Somehow, it always looks the same. This time, it was Black four-star Gen. Michael Langley, commander of U.S. Africa Command, who sat before the Senate Armed Services Committee and delivered what many in the Pan-African world recognize as a baseless accusation.

Langley alleged that Capt. Traoré was misusing Burkina Faso’s gold reserves. He went on to express concern over the country’s partnerships with China and Russia. “Partnerships” in this context means mutual agreements and cooperation not dictated by the West with ridiculous strings attached. When the U.S. pulled USAID funding, they expected countries to come crawling back. Burkina Faso didn’t. Capt. Ibrahim Traore had a different plan: to become self-sustainable and depend on the land’s resources.

We’ve seen this pattern before

Historically, when African people unite and build independently, it sets off alarms in the West. The success of Black-led movements has consistently been met with sabotage, disdain and death. These attacks, whether economic, political or military, are often carried out with help from within. Some individuals hold the belief that their former colonizer/oppressor will grant them their deepest desires: monetary assets and personal protection.

Let’s be clear: Once they turn you, they no longer need you, and you are on your own, left to face the people you have betrayed.

Let the facts speak for themselves:

On May 31 and June 1, 1921, the Greenwood District in Tulsa, Oklahoma, known as “Black Wall Street,” was burned to the ground by a white mob. It was a prosperous Black community with its own Black-owned banks, hotels, restaurants and schools. Hundreds were killed and thousands displaced in one day — all because they saw us thriving without them. The whites began to owe the Blacks! Jealousy led to accusations, and next, no more “Black Wall Street.”

In 1965, Malcolm X, a man who stood for Blacks, stood up for us and showed many men how to stand for something with purpose. Unfortunately, they lost the lesson. Malcolm X was assassinated on Feb. 21, 1965, by us – Black people duped by government agents.

Malcolm X was seen as a threat because of his efforts to unite the African diaspora and speak out against imperialism. “A man who stands for nothing will fall for anything,” Malcolm X stated in a 1964 interview. In French: “Un homme qui ne défend rien tombera pour n’importe quoi.” That quote remains a reminder: Betrayal often comes from within.

The same was true for Thomas Sankara, president of Burkina Faso from 1983 to 1987. He was a revolutionary who renamed the Sahel Country from Upper Volta to Burkina Faso, “Land of Upright People,” on Aug. 4, 1984.

Sankara prioritized the Burkinabé people’s needs and believed that the  land was rich and able to sustain the country without the use of foreign slave aid. Sankara was progressive in the push for education, women’s rights, environmental sustainability and independence from foreign aid.

Sankara was assassinated by his best friend, bodyguard Blaise Compaoré, in a coup orchestrated with foreign support. The best friend was ousted and exiled from his home country.

From Africa to San Francisco: The Fillmore was no exception 

In the mid-20th century, San Francisco’s Fillmore District, dubbed “Harlem of the West,” was a thriving hub of Black culture. Jazz legends like Billie Holiday, Miles Davis, Charlie Parker and Fillmore native Mary Stallings all performed there. The area had strong Black-owned businesses, churches and community organizations.

But in 1959, the San Francisco Redevelopment Agency launched “urban renewal” through the Western Addition Project A. The program demolished more than 2,500 businesses and 5,000 homes, displacing over 20,000 Black residents. The city called it “slum clearance.” To the community, it was erasure.

Don’t fall for it again

Let’s not be fooled by the same playbook.

When we rise, they lie. When we build, they destroy it. When we unify, they infiltrate. Misinformation has always followed our progress.

Capt. Ibrahim Traoré is walking the same path as so many of our leaders who have come before him, standing tall in the face of international pressure, economic intimidation and media distortion.

Now more than ever we must protect and uplift one another across the diaspora. We are a resilient people, from the streets of San Francisco to the gold fields of Ouagadougou. And no amount of strategic splashing will convince us that it’s raining when we know it’s an attack.

Tiy Todd

Tiy Todd is a student copy editor and writer for San Francisco Bay View.

source: SF Bayview

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=19149

#africa #blackLiberation #burkinaFaso #repression #sahelStates

What’s Happening in Niger: Inside the Struggle for Independence from French and Western Neocolonialism

“Homeland or death, we will win.” This sign stands in the Place de la Patrie, one of the cradles of the popular struggle against France in Niamey, the capital of Niger. Today, it serves as a meeting point where people gather, chat, and watch the movement on Boulevard Zarmaganda, home to the headquarters of the first popular committee supporting the Nigerien army.

“It used to be called Place de la Francophonie. Today, it’s Place de la Patrie because this is the birthplace of the patriotic struggle for complete national sovereignty. A week after the coup d’état, we moved here. It’s a symbolic place where we’ve built many things,” explains Boubacar Kimba Kollo, coordinator of the Convergence for the Sovereignty of the Sahel States (COSNA).

Since the coup d’état on July 26, 2023, Place de la Francophonie ceased to be. Several historic sites in the capital previously named after French or European figures have been renamed after Nigerien or pan-African personalities.

On that day, a military junta ousted the incumbent president, Mohamed Bazoum, in a coup d’état. This seizure of power was not a typical coup on the African continent. Led by General Abdourahamane Tchiani, the army responded to public demands to end Niger’s subservience to France, its former colonizer. The people called for the expulsion of 1,500 French soldiers from the country, a symbol of the colonial domination still present in West Africa.

Years earlier, Burkina Faso, and Mali had also ended military cooperation with France through similar military coups supported by the population. The uprisings in these three countries of the Sahel, the semi-arid strip just below the Sahara Desert in northern Africa, are known on the streets as the “Second Independence” of the African continent, or even the first, as many Nigeriens describe it today.

“In living memory, the entire population has never supported a coup d’état. We saw it; the images are there. People came out, not just in Niamey but all over Niger, to say yes to the military. Everyone agreed. Niger vibrated, and this energy continues to this day,” says the COSNA coordinator.

Nearly a year after the expulsion of the last French soldier from Niger in December 2023, Brasil de Fato visited the African country to understand the motivations behind the military coup with sovereign and anti-imperialist ideals, and how popular movements and the Nigerien population have been fighting to dismantle the remaining colonial structures.

“We have nothing against the French people; we are all alike. But we are against their policies, what their government is doing, and what it is imposing on us. And thank God, today, I think we have fulfilled all the agreements we signed with France. Thank God, and I think they will mind their own business and affairs. We’re going to mind our own business too,” says Amina Hamani, a Nigerien member of the West African Peoples’ Organization (WAPO).

Sanctions and confrontation 

Aisha Yahya Maiga, 60, earned the name “Mama Resistance” by going around Niamey daily, feeding the young people sleeping in the streets until France agreed to withdraw from the country.

The matriarch of the Maiga family is already seeing the fruits of the path taken in the country after Tchiani and the National Council for the Safeguarding of the Homeland (CNSP) formed a military government on July 26, 2023. She highlights the reduction in cement prices, a severe need for the Nigerien population.

“It’s imperialism that’s preventing us from progressing, so what’s left now is for us to unite. This is a time for work. We must work, and we must be united,” explains Maiga.

Other measures created by the government and political parties after the change of power included reducing the price of some products in the basic food basket and providing free entry to health facilities for children aged 0 to 5, and to elderly women.

It’s a breather after months of suffocation from the sanctions imposed by the French-aligned Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which came into force without warning, days after the ouster of Bazoum—regarded internally as a puppet of France.

The sanctions included freezing the assets of the Central Bank of Niger, held in regional banks, and stopping foreign assistance, which accounted for around 40% of Niger’s budget. Borders with countries such as Nigeria and Benin were also closed. With no coastline, little irrigation, and little industrialization, the government, heavily dependent on imports, was left without supplies of essential products such as food, clothing, and medicines.

The sanctions doubled the food prices and tripled the cost of seeds and agricultural inputs in a country where agriculture is the primary means of subsistence for more than 75% of the population. Today, to offset the damage, seeds and fertilizers are being offered by Niger’s Ministry of Agriculture at subsidized prices.

Mamane Sani Adamou is the general secretary of the Revolutionary Organization for New Democracy (ORDN), a party founded in 1992 after the opening of multipartyism. The party is known for actively participating in the country’s trade union struggle, especially in organizing teachers and leading strikes and demonstrations. The party’s historic leader explains how the sanctions have impacted the Nigerien population.

“Niger couldn’t even access its assets to make purchases. Even medicines were not accessible. Think about how many children died. We couldn’t treat them because we couldn’t find the money to pay for their treatments. There was resilience, it’s true, but people suffered a lot. But because these people were already in a difficult situation, the ECOWAS measures already found people with no access to social rights. And so, the situation was accentuated, but it wasn’t a new phenomenon,” says Adamou.

In addition to the sanctions, which were suspended in February, France also tried to mobilize ECOWAS states to invade Niger and restore the previous government, but to no avail. When the possibility of intervention in Niger was raised, the military governments of Burkina Faso and Mali said that this would be a “declaration of war” not only against Niger but also against their countries.

“In the Nigeria of Tinubu, who was the president of ECOWAS, all the populations in the north rejected the principle of intervention because it’s the same population in northern Nigeria and Niger, it’s the same ethnic group, so it didn’t work. The senators, a majority from the north, threatened to sack the president,” Adamou recalls.

Terrorist threat 

The growing anti-France sentiment among the population of the Sahel countries, which has led to the overthrow of governments in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger in recent years, increased after the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) invaded Libya in 2011 and overthrew Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, who had been in power for 42 years.

In the war that toppled Gaddafi, NATO brought in jihadist fighters, such as veterans of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, from the Syria-Turkey border. It also encouraged other jihadist forces that had already been defeated in the Algerian Civil War (1991-2002).

“The people are not only angry with France but also with the United States. They understand the role the US played in this post-Gaddafi destabilization. In many African countries, Gaddafi is seen as a great hero. He had significant government support for development projects in these countries. He was proud to be African…So, his overthrow was widely disapproved of by several African countries,” explains Stephanie Brito, a political analyst and coordinator of the secretariat of the International Peoples’ Assembly.

After the end of the conflict, secessionist groups, trans-Saharan smugglers, and branches of Al-Qaeda marched south of the Sahara and began to occupy large parts of the Sahel. This new terrorist threat on the triple border between Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mali justified French and US military intervention in the Sahel in 2013 with the establishment of Operation Barkhane and the G-5 Sahel project.

However, the foreign military presence has not resulted in an effective fight against terrorists. On the contrary, it has come to be seen by the Nigerien population yet another instrument of French control in the region.

“These imperialists mount and create wars just to steal from us, to take all our wealth. That’s why they created terrorism. We, the people of the Sahel, did not know terrorism; we are not terrorists. In the Sahel, before the arrival of the French and American imperialists, we lived in a mixture of cultures. We lived in symbiosis,” laments Amina Hamani.

To confront these groups, the main force fighting terrorism in Niger has been the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), a military, political, and economic pact signed with the allied governments of Mali and Burkina Faso.

“We have suffered more from insecurity than from the ECOWAS sanctions. Of course, the sanctions were inhumane; they worsened people’s living conditions, but people no longer had access to social rights. On the other hand, with the insecurity, there have been significant population movements. We have entire villages that have moved and the very possibility of doing work in the countryside, of agriculture, is threatened. This forced the Niger authorities to reach an agreement with those of Mali and Burkina to be able to jointly carry out the fight against the terrorists who are in the three border areas,” says Adamou.

Today, the region is also marked by the presence of the Islamic State of the Sahel Province (IS Sahel), an offshoot of the Islamic State in the area. Since last year, the violent extremist organization has been trying to gain support among local populations, according to a report by the Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime (GITOC).

“At one point, we were seeing a decline in terrorism. Now, the format has changed. We’ve found Ukrainians. We’ve found former Islamic State members. Furthermore, we’ve found former Afghans. The terrorists are no longer local people but come from outside. They are more formidable in terms of their ability to cause damage. Still, they have no base in the population because they are foreigners,” adds the leader of the Revolutionary Organization for New Democracy (ORDN).

Colonial agreements and the hijacking of uranium by France 

But containing the advance of Islamist militias is just one of the challenges for Niger’s reconstruction. The government’s measures, aided by popular movements, include overthrowing the IMF and World Bank structure and establishing an independent currency to replace the CFA Franc, the French currency created in 1945.

By 1960, France controlled almost five million square kilometers (eight times the size of France itself) in West Africa alone. Although national liberation movements from Senegal to Chad won independence from France that year, this liberation did not translate into true sovereignty for the former French colonies.

“Before giving independence to our states, France imposed conditions. You sign to be independent, but you sign cooperation agreements. But if you implement these cooperation agreements, you will no longer be independent. What’s in these agreements? First, you acknowledge the good colonization has done and must repay everything France has invested, even through forced labor. All the buildings in Niamey have been reimbursed. Secondly, you undertake to favor French companies. Thirdly, you are obliged to use French as your official language. Fourthly, you are obliged to deposit all the assets, all the currencies we have, in a French treasury account,” explains Adamou.

The path to political and economic sovereignty for Niger, according to the country’s political leaders, involves establishing an independent currency and terminating neocolonial agreements with France, such as those allowing the exploitation of uranium in the Arlit region in the north of the country. Niger is the world’s seventh-largest uranium producer but ranks 121 out of 127 on the 2024 Global Hunger Index.

“France sets uranium prices derisively. What it buys in Niger for USD 0.80, it buys in Canada for USD 200. So, you see the gap, the same uranium. This means that there is something extremely absurd,” Adamou contests.

“Apart from the fact that we don’t have significant money, we have environmental damage. The whole town of Arlit has no more vegetation because of the radiation. The water table is all contaminated,” he adds.

Boubacar Kima Kollo adds, “I would say that Niger has never been developed, and I prefer to say directly because of the French. That’s why from independence in 1960 until July 26, Niger was always plundered. Today, France has no gold reserves and is third in the world. And all because of our African countries. Today, 70% of France’s electricity comes from Niger’s uranium. And for all these years, our natural resources have been sent to France, and we have never benefited from anything.”

In June, Niger withdrew from French giant Orano the exploration license for one of the world’s largest uranium deposits, Imouraren, with estimated reserves of 200,000 tons and a market value of 200 million euros, according to the company. Almost half of the average annual production at the site is currently blocked. The company’s projected turnover in 2024 is 30.5 billion reais.

Orano, 90% of whose capital is held by the French state, recently announced that it would also “suspend” its production at the Somair uranium mine after 40 years of exploitation, where it has a 63% stake—Niger holds the remaining stake. Now, Niger is looking for technology to transform its main natural wealth into energy. This could include support from other countries, such as Russia.

“All the processing up to the production of yellow cake, the uranium concentrate, is done by the Nigerien people. No foreigner is doing this. Nigeriens do the whole process. But we don’t have nuclear plants or centrifuges to transform and enrich the uranium. We don’t have that. And in any case, France wouldn’t accept that. Now that we are breaking with France, this issue is being analyzed. We can create a power station with other countries that can supply energy to West African countries,” says Adamou.

The future of the relationship between the military and the people 

A member of the West African Peoples’ Organization (OPAO), which brings together progressive political parties, organizations, and trade union associations in West Africa, the Revolutionary Organization for New Democracy (ORDN) party was born out of the trade union and student movements of the 1970s and 1980s in Niger, in which Mamane Sani Adamou actively participated since high school.

The historic leader of the organization believes that the current moment is essential to formalize the existence of his organization after years of repression of progressive forces fighting for the unification of Africa and the liberation of the country from imperialist forces.

According to Adamou, the coup d’état has returned as the only way to overcome the popular movements’ weaknesses.

“It has to be said that before the coup d’état, there was a tense situation because the regime banned demonstrations by civil society, especially by opposition political parties. Why? Because it felt under a lot of pressure, it didn’t have the means to respond to the demands of the organizations. Since the general strike in 2005, when we brought the country to a standstill, different political regimes have wanted to weaken social movements. But the dispute is permanent. That’s why, as soon as the coup d’état took place, the population quickly supported it,” he says.

“Our politicians were corrupt. Unfortunately, our presidents were bought. It’s the conscience that France buys. But we’re not giving up anymore. We are adamant and determined to put our lives on the line until we regain our full sovereignty. Our natural resources belong to us. Niger belongs to us,” adds Boubacar Kimba Kollo, coordinator of the Convergence for the Sovereignty of the Sahel States (COSNA).

During November, the visit of political leaders from more than 30 countries to Niamey for the International Conference in Solidarity with the Peoples of the Sahel was seen by the organizers as a stimulus for the continuity of the patriotic process in Niger.

In drafting the Niamey Declaration, which marked the end of the event, the progressive forces that signed the document were optimistic about the transformations led by Tchiani’s government and the “symbiosis” with the popular forces. However, they left an important message: that the military governments of the Sahel should continue to “listen to their people.”

“Nigeriens must have access to education, all of them. Most of the people who mobilized to expel the French were unemployed. We must train them; we must give them jobs. So, many things need to be done to make sovereignty meaningful. We must create our currency. However, all these issues require an organization of society; we need a political front with the military to move these issues forward,” said Mamane Sani Adamou.

“Our national liberation goes hand in hand with the social question. If the working classes don’t drive the process, it will fail. And for that to happen, measures must be aimed at the working classes. If the working classes are strengthened, the process will continue. If the working classes are forgotten, the upper classes, the Nigerien bourgeoisie, will not lead a process of independence,” the Nigerien leader declared.

This article was originally published on Brasil de Fato.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=13519

#africa #AntiColonial #antiImperialist #niger #sahelStates