The Shadow Front: How the Iran Crisis Is Fuelling The New Af-Pak Conflict

The Shadow Front: How the Iran Crisis Is Fuelling The New Af-Pak Conflict

By Uriel Araujo

The deadly Kabul hospital strike signals a dangerous escalation in the Afghanistan-Pakistan conflict. As global attention centres on Iran, a parallel crisis deepens. Economic isolation, insurgency, and regional rivalries are converging in an already volatile region.

While global attention remains focused on the escalating confrontation involving Iran, a far less reported but deeply consequential crisis is nonetheless unfolding. Last week’s deadly strike on a hospital in Kabul, the worst single incident thus far in the Pakistan-Afghanistan conflict, made the news.

Michael Kugelman (a senior fellow for South Asia at the Atlantic Council) has described the Kabul hospital strike as emblematic of a conflict spiralling beyond control. He notes that tensions between the Pakistan authorities and the Taliban-led government in Afghanistan have intensified over Pakistan’s accusations that Kabul harbours Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) militants.

In response, Pakistan has escalated with airstrikes inside Afghan territory, thereby further normalizing a pattern of cross-border retaliation. Kugelman emphasizes that both sides face internal pressures that make de-escalation politically costly, even as the humanitarian toll rises. The risk of miscalculation is growing.

As I have previously argued, the Afghanistan-Pakistan border is emerging as a new South Asia/Central Asia epicentre of instability, in what is being described as the new “Af-Pak” conflict. Earlier tensions between Iran and Pakistan had already demonstrated how quickly localized insurgencies can trigger interstate confrontation. In fact, as I wrote back in 2024, the reciprocal missile exchanges between Iran and Pakistan laid bare the underlying vulnerabilities in the region’s security framework.

Today the situation has deteriorated considerably. The ongoing war involving Iran has effectively isolated Afghanistan economically, as Mustafa Saqib (a visiting scholar at Rutgers University-Camden) argues. Trade routes through Iran, particularly via the Chabahar corridor, have been severely disrupted, choking Kabul’s already fragile economy. Thus, Afghanistan is becoming something of an economic island, with all the predictable consequences: rising prices, scarcity of essential goods, and increasing dependence on unstable cross-border trade with Pakistan.

The implications, however, go far beyond economics. The Iran crisis is actually amplifying the Af-Pak conflict in multiple manners.

Firstly, for one thing, it diverts global diplomatic attention, in a way. Mediators who might otherwise focus on Kabul and Islamabad are now mostly preoccupied with preventing a broader Middle Eastern war centred in Iran/Israel.

Secondly, Pakistan itself is under mounting pressure. As various analyses note, Islamabad is walking a “tightrope” (in Kamal Alam’s, a Fellow at The Institute for Statecraft, words) in the Iran conflict, balancing its ties with Tehran and its strategic alignment with Saudi Arabia and, to a lesser extent, the US.

Saudi Arabia reportedly has sought stronger commitments from Pakistan under a 2025 defence pact, which raises fears of deeper entanglement. Some analysts speculate that the Saudi authorities in Riyadh would seek to “proxify” Pakistan into attacking Iran. Pakistan then appears overstretched.

This overstretch is particularly dangerous in Balochistan, a region that connects Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanistan through porous borders. This area has long been a hub for overlapping insurgencies. Groups such as the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) and Jaish al-Adl operate across borders, exploiting weak state control. The current Iran war has weakened Tehran’s grip over its Sistan-Baluchestan province, thereby emboldening such militant networks.

At the same time, Pakistan faces intensified insurgent activity at home. The BLA’s renewed campaign, alongside persistent TTP attacks, has strained security forces already engaged in cross-border operations in Afghanistan. Thus, a kind of feedback loop clearly emerges: external conflict weakens internal stability, which in turn reduces the capacity to manage external threats.

Adding another layer of complexity is the role of transnational jihadist groups such as the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) and its “war” against Balochi separatists, for instance. The convergence of militant actors across the “Greater Balochistan” region creates fertile ground for coordinated attacks that could radiate outward into Central Asia, India, or beyond. ISKP has already demonstrated its reach with high-profile attacks, including inside Iran in recent years.

Economically, the dual crises are devastating. Border closures between Afghanistan and Pakistan, ongoing since late 2025, have already disrupted trade flows. With Iranian routes now compromised, Afghanistan’s options are severely limited. This isolation drives inflation and exacerbates humanitarian suffering. Refugee flows are also likely to increase, placing additional strain on neighbouring countries.

Geopolitically, the implications are equally troubling. Pakistan’s multi-front challenges reduce its strategic flexibility, particularly at a time when it must navigate complex regional dynamics involving Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the US. As one analysis puts it, Islamabad risks being “stuck between allies” in the Iran conflict.

Meanwhile, broader regional initiatives, from energy corridors to infrastructure projects, face disruption. Saudi diplomatic consultations with regional partners, including Pakistan, highlight how seriously the escalation is being discussed across the region.

The US and Israel seem bent on setting the Middle East ablaze.  Washington’s disastrous decision to join the Israeli campaign against Iran has obvious repercussions beyond the Middle East, affecting the whole of Eurasia and global markets.

In this context, thus far, the Afghanistan-Pakistan conflict remains the “other war the world is ignoring.” But for how long? The interplay between the Iran crisis and the Af-Pak theatre is not incidental; it is structural.

Each conflict clearly feeds into the other, thereby creating a cycle of instability that is very difficult to break. Underreported enough though it may be thus far, this interconnected crisis demands urgent attention from Eurasian actors and frameworks.

Uriel Araujo, Anthropology PhD, is a social scientist specializing in ethnic and religious conflicts, with extensive research on geopolitical dynamics and cultural interactions.

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Voice of East.

 

#Afghanistan #Balochistan #BLA #Geopolitics #Iran #IranIsraelWar #Israel #MiddleEast #Pakistan #TTP #USA

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Afzal Baloch alias Aftab
Son of: Abdul Rahim
Resident of: Nali, Mashkay
Joined BLA: 2025
Unit: Fateh Squad
Martyrdom: Operation Herof Phase II, Noshki Front

Afzal Baloch, alias Aftab, belonged to Nali, Mashkay, in Balochistan. After joining the BLA, he served on the Shor Parod front. In 2023, Afzal Baloch was forcibly disappeared by the occupying Pakistani intelligence agencies and was released a year later. After being freed from the enemy’s torture cells, he reassessed۔
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Raza alias Mashmar
Son of: Shabir Ahmed Gishkori
Resident of: Sibi
Joined BLA: 2025
Front: Shor Parod
Unit: STOS (Special Tactical Operations Squad)
Martyrdom: Operation Herof Phase II, Noshki Front

In the war of liberation, the greatest strength of a person is his conviction and his willingness to sacrifice. Mashmar became part of the armed resistance with this very belief and philosophy. He embraced this path with full ideological commitment, believing that.
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Qaseem Murad alias Tanveer
Son of: Murad Ali Siyah Pad
Resident of: Ghazi Road, Kharan
Joined BLA: 2025
Fronts: Noshki and Kharan
Unit: Fateh Squad
Martyrdom: Operation Herof Phase II, Kharan Front

Shaheed Qaseem Murad alias Tanveer belonged to Kharan, a land where even the grains of sand seem to breathe stories of resistance. Raised in an atmosphere of resistance, Qaseem joined the BLA and served on the fronts

#BLA
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Liaquat alias Nod
Son of: Mola Bakhsh
Resident of: Kohad, Tump
Joined BLA: 2019
Fronts: Zamuran, Kulbar
Responsibility I: Patrol Commander
Responsibility II: Side Camp Commander (Zamuran)
Skill: Improvised Explosive Device (IED) Specialist
Unit: Fateh Squad
Command: Operation Herof Phase II, Pul Abad Front

Martyr Liaquat alias Nod belonged to the Kohad area of Tump. After joining the BLA in 2019,

#BLA
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Imtiaz Baloch alias Haji Taukal
Son of: Jangian Baloch
Residence: Balicha Talukan
Affiliation with armed movement: 2017
Mountain front: 2018
Joined BLA: 2020
Fronts: Zamuran, Kulbar, Dasht, Turbat area
Urban network in charge: Nasirabad, Mirabad
Unit: Fateh Squad
Member of the camp’s advisory committee
Commander: Operation Herof Phase II, Rodbun front
Martyrdom: Operation Herof Phase II, Rodbun front

Imtiaz Baloch, alias Haji Taukal, was among the experienced Sarmachars.
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Fidayee Abdul Salam Kurd alias Nasrullah
Son of: Huzoor Bakhsh Kurd
Resident of: Maro, Spilenji, Mastung
Age: 21 years
Joined BLA: 2025
Majeed Brigade: 2025
Front: Nagaho
Martyrdom: Mastung

After joining the BLA, Fidayee Abdul Salam was transferred to the Nagaho front at the organization's decision. On the Nagaho front, Nasrullah carried out his role with revolutionary conviction and remained steadfast in the struggle against the enemy.
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Fidayee Nadir Bangulzai alias Shay Mureed
Son of: Nawab Khan Bangulzai
Resident of: Spilenji
Joined BLA: 2025
Majeed Brigade: 2025
Front: Nagaho
Martyrdom: Mastung

After joining the organization, Fidayee Nadir Baloch, alias Shay Mureed, was transferred to the Nagaho front. On the Nagaho front, Shay Mureed carried forward the tradition of resistance and remained steadfast in the struggle against the enemy. His personality reflected determination, fearlessness,
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