Peoples Reject Sheinbaum’s Visit to Morelos for the Anniversary of the Zapata’s Death

Indigenous peoples and organizations rejected President Claudia Sheinbaum’s visit to the Hacienda de Chinameca in Morelos on the occasion of the 107th anniversary of Emiliano Zapata’s assassination, asserting that her actions against communities—such as the lack of justice for community defender Samir Flores and the operation of the Huexca thermoelectric plant—contradict the revolutionary’s “ideology and legacy.”

“The celebratory statements regarding historical Zapatismo by the nation’s president and our state’s governor have not been accompanied by decisive actions to shed light on these crimes, nor by policies of listening to the peoples,” they stated in a declaration, in which they expressed their distrust of the leaders’ words.

“We recall that in the first year of López Obrador’s administration, declared nationally as the Year of Zapata, was the year of the murder of our comrade Samir Flores Soberanes,” a Nahua activist who fought against the Morelos Integral Project (PIM) and was murdered on February 20, 2019, the communities noted.

That year, the People’s Front in Defense of Land and Water (FPDTA) of Morelos, Puebla, and Tlaxcala, together with the National Indigenous Congress and the communities of Huexca, Amilcingo, Ayala, and other areas, occupied the Hacienda de Chinameca “in protest against President López Obrador,” who sought to honor Zapata there, “while as president he betrayed his word to cancel the thermoelectric plant and the gas pipeline and also carried out a consultation that was clearly in defense of the thermoelectric plant,” which was not suspended following the death of Flores Soberanes.

More than seven years after the murder, the communities stated, “we have no justice, in the same situation, now with our murdered comrade Sandra Rosa Camacho, a human rights defender and defender of traditional customs in the municipality of Temoac—all because impunity reigns in the country. With this visit, on the one hand, the state seeks to reclaim the figure of Zapata, and on the other, it contradicts his ideology and legacy.”

They also reiterated that the thermoelectric plant of the Morelos Integral Project remains active and pollutes the waters of the Cuautla River, in addition to causing noise and air pollution in the community of Huexca.

The communities and organizations demanded an end to impunity and called for an investigation into the murder of Samir Flores, as well as for former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, former Morelos Governor Cuauhtémoc Blanco, current Congressman Hugo Eric Flores, former Morelos Attorney General Uriel Carmona, Valentín Lavin, and Angelina N, alias La Patrona, to be summoned to testify.

“We demand justice for Samir and the peoples of Morelos, and we celebrate the legacy we make our own—from below, popular, and to the left of Emiliano Zapata—which lives on in the organized autonomous communities that the government refuses to see or hear, and instead attacks,” they concluded.

Below is the full statement:

Let’s Celebrate Emiliano Zapata’s Anniversary with Justice

Justice for the people.

Justice for Samir

Chinameca, a place symbolic of the betrayal and assassination of Emiliano Zapata, will receive Mexico’s president and other officials for the government’s official recognition of Emiliano Zapata’s struggle, ideology, and enduring presence among the people.

We recall that in the first year of López Obrador’s administration—declared nationwide as the Year of Zapata—was the year of the assassination of our comrade Samir Flores Soberanes, 2019, a year in which, together with the National Indigenous Congress and the peoples of Huexca, Amilcingo, Ayala, and other regions, we gathered there to denounce President López Obrador and to honor General Zapata from that very place, while, as president, he betrayed his word to cancel the thermoelectric plant and the gas pipeline and, furthermore, carried out a consultation that was clearly in defense of the thermoelectric plant. This consultation took place following a series of forums organized by the federal government’s “superdelegate” for Morelos, the now-Zionist congressman Hugo Erik Flores, with whom our comrade Samir had engaged in a fierce debate just before he was murdered. His murder did not warrant suspending the referendum, in which—it must be remembered—if only the towns and communities affected by the power plant and the gas pipeline had been counted, the NO vote would have won. Instead, however, the large urban centers were also consulted, tipping the balance in favor of the YES vote.

Seven years later, we still have no justice; we find ourselves in the same situation, now with the murder of our compañera Sandra Rosa Camacho, a human rights defender and advocate for traditional customs in the municipality of Temoac—all because impunity reigns in this country. With this visit, on the one hand, the state seeks to reclaim Zapata’s legacy, while on the other, it contradicts his ideals and legacy.

The Morelos Comprehensive Project, centered around the Huexca thermoelectric plant, remains in place, polluting the waters of the Cuautla River and causing noise and air pollution in the community, since it is located just 300 meters from the community’s preschool, and it continues to poison the political climate—not only regionally but nationally—as the murder of our comrade Samir Flores Soberanes, a representative of the community opposition to the plan’s implementation, remains unpunished.

That is why—because the statements by the President of the nation and the governor of our state celebrating the legacy of Zapatismo have not been accompanied by decisive action to solve these crimes, nor by policies that truly listen to the people—we do not trust their words.

We demand an investigation into the murder of our brother Samir Flores and call on Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Cuauhtémoc Blanco, Hugo Eric Flores, Uriel Carmona, Valentín Lavin, and Angelina N, alias La Patrona, to testify.

It is wonderful that a museum is being built to house and highlight the participation of Zapatista women in the historic struggle of the Mexican Revolution, but at the same time, as women from Zapata’s homeland, we continue to carry the wound of being recognized in museums but not in everyday politics. The wound caused by the murders of Samir and Sandra is also ours.

That is why today, just as we have every year since 2019, we demand justice for Samir and the peoples of Morelos, and we celebrate the legacy we make our own—from below, popular, and to the left of Emiliano Zapata—which lives on in the organized autonomous communities that the government refuses to see or hear, and instead attacks.

Morelos, April 10, 2026

Frente de Pueblos en Defensa de la Tierra y el Agua Morelos, Puebla, Tlaxcala

Red Morelense de apoyo al CIG-CNI Nuestra Alegre Rebeldía

Colectiva Diversa

Empalabrando colectivo

Unión de Comunidades Indígenas de la Zona Norte del Istmo de Tehuantepec, UCIZONI

Raíces en resistencia Tlatelolco, CDMX

Colectivo Luciérnagas que Siembran, CDMX

RAIS/Red de Apoyo Iztapalapa Sexta

Profes en la Sexta

Colectivo Gavilanas

Colectivo Cuaderno Común

Colectivo Cafetos

Colectivo La Otra Justicia

Colectivo La Grieta

Comunidad Tanezi Calli en Resistencia

Comunidad de XOCHITLANEZI

El Grupo de la Puerta, Puebla/CDMX

Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de las Casas

Instituto Cultural Autónomo Rubén Jaramillo Ménez, Morelos

La Oveja Roja

Colectivo Tierra y Libertad Cuautla, Morelos

Sexta por la libre, Yucatán

Morada Tropikal El Teatrito Yucatán

Mínima Galería Íntima/Narraturgias de la Memoria

El bordado de Ramona

Colectivo Mujeres Tierra

Mexicali Resiste

Concejo Autónomo de Santiago Mexquititlán Amealco Querétaro

Espacio de lucha contra el olvidoy la represión . Elcor, Chiapas

Antsetik Ts’unun, mujeres defensoras de Chiapas

Red de Resistencias y Rebeldías AJMAQ, Chiapas

Partido de los Comunistas

Mexicanos Unidos

Brigada Callejera de apoyo a la mujer

Colectivo Criptopozol DDHH

Comité de Enlace Latinoamericano, CELC

Organización Popilar Francisco Villa de Izquierda Independiente

Concejo Indígena y Popular de Guerrero y Emiliano Zapata, CIPOG-EZ

Comunidad Indígena Otomí residente de la CDMX

UPREZ Benito Juárez

Café Zapata Vive

Juventud Comunista de México

Jorge Alonso, Ciesas Occidente

Alicia Castellanos Guerrero, UAM Iztapalapa

Gilberto López y Rivas, profesor investigador INAH Morelos

Efraín Rojas Bruschetta

Alberto Colín, adherente a la sexta

Calixto Trinidad Carbajal Balderas, de La Otra en el Sur de Morelos

Oralba Castillo Nájera de Nuestra Alegre Rebeldía

Márgara Millán, Red de feminismos descoloniales

Servando Gajá, Nuestra Alegre Rebeldía

José Antonio Olvera Llamas, Nuestra Alegre Rebeldía

María de Lourdes Lara López, Nuestra Alegue Rebeldía

Dr. Calixto Trinidad Carbajal Balderas de la Otra en el Sur de Morelos

Original text published by Desinformémonos on April 10th, 2026.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.

The Commons, Structure Designed To Replace Capitalist System Which No Longer Works: Subcomandante Moisés

San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas. “The pyramid doesn’t exist for us, because we’ve already destroyed it and we’re building what we call the Commons,” stated Subcomandante Moisés.

He said that in the face of “the capitalist storm, we Zapatistas categorically state that whatever the pyramid may be, it is not the solution. Our practice of how we want to build a common government is not just about working the land, but about everything that can be done in the new life, a new world, a new society, but without the pyramid that we see as no longer useful.”

Moisés made these remarks while participating in one of the sessions of the so-called April 2026 Semillero: The Storm Inside and Outside According to the Zapatista Communities and Peoples, which took place in San Cristóbal from April 2nd to 4th, with the participation of 540 people from more than 30 countries.

The Commons project that the Zapatistas have put into practice, he said, “is in thought, in looking, in listening, it is in sensing how we are, how we live and it is in the physical aspect of how we feel, how we are living on this planet Earth.”

He added that “the problem we see is one of inheritance, because we can’t leave behind what we’ve been practicing as Zapatistas for over 30 years. No, we can’t leave it like this to the children of today. And we’re not just thinking about the children of Mexico, but of the world, because the capitalist legacy they’ve left us, which we now say with its pyramid structure, is useless.”

It was then, he explained, that “we began to build it and said it should be a common government, but there was nothing to hold onto to create it. We had to bring men and women together—that is, fathers, mothers, young men and women—and discuss it, but first the representatives of each zone, each region, and each town had to meet to explain it.”

He said that “from observing and combining thoughts” arose the idea of ​​the Commons, so that each community can face the storm, be it war or the reaction of Mother Earth.

He commented that this is also how “the supreme assembly” was born, where representatives, men and women, from each community come together. “And there we clarify how we are going to work with the other communities that are not Zapatistas,” because “we are not going to achieve what is called uniting, but rather uniting a way of thinking about how we are going to solve problems in life, because we need the perspectives of others, not to compete, but to analyze what the best way is” to do things.

That is why, Moisés added, “we use the word sharing. Others say exchange, but it is not to convince us that we are going to have to be one.”

The sub-commander pointed out that in the Zapatista project of the Commons, “we don’t want to unite into a single organization. In some areas, we are already seeing changes. For example, in the thousands of hectares recovered (after the 1994 armed uprising), our brothers and sisters (non-Zapatistas) are already working, whereas before we were closed off. First, we had to open our minds.”

He stated that “we are changing our structure and figuring out the best way to build the Commons. We are analyzing what needs improvement.”

He commented that before, members of the EZLN “could only be support base members or militiamen. Not anymore. They can participate in the health sector, be lab technicians or ultrasound technicians. Before, they were appointed, but over time we discovered that we weren’t getting it right. When they were appointed, they were told they had to go to health, for example, without knowing if that was their natural talent, if they had a liking for it or if they were willing. That’s why they didn’t put in the effort. Sometimes they tried it and then left.”

He added that “during this time we discovered that it’s better to explain the importance of each task, such as laboratory work, ultrasound, studying or learning about medicinal plants.”

Now, he elaborated, “we ask if there are volunteers who want to learn these things, and they go with great enthusiasm because they volunteered to learn these areas.”

He affirmed that the Common project is about “working with our brothers and sisters. In two years of practicing this, we’ve seen that we do understand each other and we have ideas under development for how to improve.”

He emphasized: “We are working together, for example, on the land. We are all integrated, Zapatistas and non-Zapatistas. Understanding each other has helped us; there is a shared understanding. As Indigenous peoples in Mexico, we agree.”

Insisting on how the Zapatistas are managing to do many things together, he said, “I think we’re going to have to change our motto from ‘everything for everyone, nothing for ourselves’ to ‘everything for everyone, in common.’” He also reported that the EZLN will create new Caracoles, in addition to the 12 it already has.

Original article by Elio Henríquez, La Jornada, April 5th, 2026.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.

Zapatista Semillero: The Storm Inside and Outside

On April 2nd, 3rd, and 4th, a unique workshop was held at CIDECI in San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas, centered on presentations by both Sub-commander Moisés and Captain Marcos. It was attended by approximately 500 people from some 30 countries, including Germany, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, the United States, France, England, Iran, Italy, and the Czech Republic, as well as members of national organizations and collectives and EZLN grassroots members. This audience did not participate; this was likely by design, as the aim was to present the Zapatista voice and thereby promote a shared process of reflection within the participants’ own communities. The workshop’s central theme was “The Storm Inside and Outside,” which had been announced a short time ago by the EZLN.

A brief historical overview was offered: from the Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee (CCRI) of 1994 to the EZLN of 2026. Captain Marcos highlighted that in ’94 the press debate revolved around why they rose up and then why they took so long. Later, the so-called civil society emerged, those without party affiliation. And the peak of the EZLN’s fame, from 1996 to 2001, with the San Andrés Accords, marked a turning point where it became clear that “after the fame and infamy, we saw that we were no longer just fighting for rights.”

The changes in the EZLN’s structure were addressed, aiming to abolish the pyramid that had been established. In 2014, Galeano was assassinated, Marcos died, and Galeano was reborn; Moisés assumed leadership. In 2015, the seminar “The Capitalist Hydra” was held, and they said we were exaggerating, even though we had been writing about what is happening now. Afterward, the first declaration for life was released, signed by them and others. The first stage was the tour of Europe led by Sub-commander Moisés. Upon his return, he said, “They’re really screwed. As things stand, we’re not going to make it; with the structure we have, we’re not going to make it.”

Following his anti-capitalist stance, Sub-commander Moisés pointed out, “We fight for the liberation of all living beings. They are destroying not only human life, but everything around us. You talk about climate change, we talk about Mother Earth. We won’t have homes or life if planet Earth is completely destroyed. Our grandparents and great-grandparents have told us how things were before; where it used to rain, now it doesn’t; where it was hot, now it’s cold. They knew when things bloomed. The question is, what to do? We are part of life. Now capital comes along and seeks to multiply its profits, and who buys it? Are we the consumers? Our grandparents from 80 years ago said they never saw water being sold.”

Sub-commander Moisés criticized the operation of government programs, citing impositions and mismanagement. The programs “Sowing Life,” “Youth Building the Future,” and “Our School” are mentioned. Another one they mention is “Servants of the Nation.” These are the ones promoting the vote that this government must continue to receive because otherwise, these programs will be discontinued. Vote-buying is already underway. And the sub-commander emphasized: “We are still facing the storm caused by the pyramid scheme. We have already destroyed it, and now we are building the Commons. It’s not just about the land; it’s about a new world, a new society, but without the pyramid. The problem we see is the capitalist legacy; we cannot abandon it.”

“We said that everyone should get together while we figure out how we are going to deal with the other communities that are not Zapatistas; they face a different situation, other sectors. The Commons is the opposite of ownership. No one should own the wind, the land, life, or human beings, not under a single ideology. In two years, our brothers arrived; now we don’t call them party members.” The assembly will no longer be exclusively for Zapatistas; those who are not will participate equally, as a group.”

Captain Marcos addressed the invisible wars. Deserters, informers, torturers, police, soldiers, they beat a journalist, and the media doesn’t report it. There is no difference between oppressor and oppressed. The women just want to be left alone to live in peace.

Increasingly, the concept of nation is being displaced onto soccer. States have lost their monopoly on violence because of organized crime; its infiltration is real. The market is no longer national, but transnational. There is also the monopoly on fake news, which is no longer controlled by the government; social media controls it. The captain reiterated that “the nation-state has no decision-making power. They can’t say that Mexico is sovereign if it can’t even decide whether to send oil to Cuba.”

He emphasized that the groups fighting for the disappeared are the ones who don’t give up, don’t sell out, don’t surrender. Don Mario and Doña Hilda from Ayotzinapa are here because truth and justice are part of the story of the disappeared. The seedbed and the shared proposals are an effort to promote a shift away from the paradigm imposed by those in power: conform, resign yourself, don’t organize.

Original article by Magdalena Gómez, La Jornada, April 7th, 2026.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.

Disappeared Victims in Mexico ‘’Are Not a Number, But People’’ – Zapatista

San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas. The victims of enforced disappearance in Mexico “are not a number to be manipulated in the media, as is happening these days, but rather people with names, stories, relatives, and friends who are nowhere to be found and who must be located and rescued for life, for memory, and for both,” Captain Marcos of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) said.

He added that the struggle of the hundreds of collectives, groups, and organizations searching for their disappeared relatives “has been used for partisan political agendas.”

He said that “there have been attempts to co-opt them, manipulate them, silence them, make them disappear, but they are still there, and no matter what spectacle they put on from above—be it soccer, music, or useless and sterile debates—they will remain there and will not falter until those who are missing today reappear.”

And yes, he added, “perhaps the Mexican soccer team will finally reach the fifth game and it will all be a party and a celebration, and people will say ‘I always knew it,’ and Vasco is Basque, but long live Mexico, you bastards, you bitches, and cheers! But in the uncertain limbo of what was once the Mexican nation, now united only by pain and terror, those who fight tirelessly for the disappeared will continue, among them, one who was once called homeland and who is lost between the frivolous and superficial because truth and justice are part of the disappeared.”

Marcos expressed the above during the third and final day of activities of the April 2026 Semillero: The Storm Inside and Outside, According to the Zapatista Communities and Peoples, held in San Cristóbal.

Unity and Fragmentation in the Struggle

In the 1 p.m. session, she spoke about “A Peep into the Storm in the World: The Fragmentation of Territories and Resistances and Rebellions,” saying that “only those who are clear about the why, that is, their history; the what for, that is, their objective; and the how, that is, their organizational structure, are the ones who do not falter, do not surrender, do not sell out, and do not give up.”

He added: “Here, for example, are some of the parents of the missing students from Ayotzinapa, who, as on other occasions, are with us: Don Mario and Doña Hilda, who, like the rest of their comrades, continue to persevere in the search for their missing loved ones.”

The hundreds of attendees at the meeting held at the Caracol Jacinto Canek*, located within the Comprehensive Indigenous Training Center (CIDECI) in San Cristóbal, chanted: “September 26th is not forgotten, it is a day of combative struggle.”

The captain had previously referred to “the unity and fragmentation of the struggle” and said that “a few months ago” Sub-commander Moisés briefed the militia on what he had discussed in a session of the General Assembly of Local Autonomous Governments.

“He told us that our duty as present-day Zapatistas is to create the material conditions for the survival of future generations; that is, the conditions for them to have life, but that they were already seeing that this wasn’t enough, that we had to transmit to them resistance and rebellion, that is, not surrendering, not selling out, and not giving up, and that this couldn’t be put on paper or in a community assembly resolution. It’s not even something that could be transmitted verbally.”

Resign Yourself or Organize

He pointed out that after several assemblies, they concluded that “one of the proposals was that the legacy should be the example, that resistance and rebellion, not selling out, not surrendering, and not giving up were just empty words if they weren’t accompanied by action; that if we wanted to inherit the Commons, we had to practice it—those of us who are authorities, leaders, organizers, area and inter-zone leaders, officers and militia, and all the titles and roles that arise in our organizational structure.”

This idea of ​​legacy, Marcos explained, “is relevant, because every movement, organization, group, collective, individual who resists and rebels has consciously or unconsciously made a decision in the face of the dilemma posed by this year’s call: to resign yourself or to organize.”

He continued: “Our Zapatista belief is that behind every call for unconditional unity lies an attempt at absorption, hegemony, and homogenization. Every call for unity masks the main issue: who will be in charge and how we will operate. In other words, the implementation of a pyramid structure. We see that fragmentation is not actually division, but rather the recognition of differences. They make us believe that we are stronger if we unite and present a common front, but they don’t clarify that within that union, there are those who command and those who obey.”

He clarified that the Commons proposed by the Zapatistas “doesn’t refer to individual organization but to the objective: confronting the enemy. Many struggles, many battles, and one fight against the system. We don’t know if this vision we have will work, and certainly it can be debated, discussed, and rejected that the fragmentation of organizations leads to a good outcome. What is certain is that there are many examples of unity, with a capital U, ending in failure. We believe that unity should not be confused with the objectives of an organizational community.”

*The Caracol Jacinto Canek is no longer located in CIDECI (translator’s note).

Original article by Elio Henríquez, La Jornada, April 4th, 2026.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.

El poder no quería que supieras esto. Samir Flores fue asesinado por alzar la voz contra un megaproyecto. Siete años después, un juez destapa el montaje.

👉 https://wp.me/pdD3iE-vQD 🐝

#samirflores #defensoresambientales #ambientalistas #activistas #protestas #morelos #sheinbaum #claudiasheinbaum #ezln #zapatistas #mexico2026 #samirfloresvive

EZLN Says Nation-state No Longer Has Decision-making Power

San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas. The main victim of the current stage of capitalism is the nation-state, which now has no decision-making capacity, Captain Marcos of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) stated.

He added that “in our opinion, and we may be wrong, the reconstruction of the nation-state is not possible because it no longer has fundamental bases.”

Marcos expressed this during the second day of activities of the April 2026 Seedbed: The Storm Inside and Outside, according to the Zapatista communities and peoples, which is being held in San Cristóbal with the participation of 418 people from some thirty countries, including Germany, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, the United States, France, England, Iran, and Italy, in addition to members of the EZLN.

Speaking this Friday on “A Peep into the Storm in the World: Nation-States Under Attack,” he said that “the nation-state is born for capitalism; that is, the bourgeoisie needs a state, a territory, a currency, laws, a geographical boundary, a coat of arms, a flag. And so, nation-states are born.”

In fact, he added, “in Europe, where feudalism was displaced and revolutions began to form the nation-state, that is where capitalism found fertile ground and began to develop. It developed to such an extent that the nation-state becomes an obstacle, and capitalism, the system, requires that goods circulate, are sold quickly, and generate the greatest profit as quickly as possible.”

He pointed out that “national currencies, the national legal structure, the governance they call it—that is, the form of government and the entire legal system—are obstacles to them. Then, free trade agreements come along, and borders open up for investments and goods but close down for human beings.”

The captain reiterated that “the nation-state has no decision-making capacity. Sovereignty is a bad joke. They can’t say that Mexico is sovereign, even if they say so at the morning press conference, if it can’t even decide whether to send oil to Cuba. It is not possible. In a developed nation-state, that decision rests with the government, to say who to give or sell to, or who not to. That is no longer possible.”

He stated that “the entire offensive under the names of (Donald) Trump and (Benjamin) Netanyahu is related to this. Israel thinks it is defending the nation-state, and that’s not true. As long as the people of Israel don’t understand that Palestine is the home of the Palestinians, that they will always want to return, and that they carry the key to their land wherever they go, until they die, are killed, or disappear, this will not stop.” In reality, he elaborated, “Netanyahu isn’t defending the State of Israel, that’s a lie. He’s conquering territory, but the Palestinians aren’t going to surrender. I don’t know how many years it will take; they’re not going to surrender. There’s something deep within them that I can’t explain, I don’t know if anyone can: Why, with everything against them, do the Palestinian people continue to resist? Why are the Cuban people preparing for an invasion? If they’re supposedly under a dictatorship, why don’t they take to the streets and say: Yes, invade us and liberate us?”

He added: “Why did the U.S. military enter Venezuela to kidnap Nicolás Maduro and Cilia—it was funny how the media didn’t want to say ‘to kidnap’ and intstead said they went ‘to detain’ them—and if they won the elections, why didn’t anyone take to the streets to welcome them? They had to make a one-way trip. It’s not that they had almost no casualties; they didn’t have any because the U.S. military uses mercenaries for that. These people don’t exist; they’re paid, and if they’re killed, they just die, they have no names’. So, the U.S. military casualties during the kidnapping in Venezuela don’t appear on the lists, and the major left-wing analysts, including those from Cuba, take it for granted that what Trump says about them having no casualties is true. They did have casualties. The thing is, they used mercenaries. Just as Putin had to use them in Ukraine. Not even a country’s national army can sustain a war on its own anymore. They have to rely on other means.”

Marcos asserted that in the US and Israel’s war against Iran, the big oil companies are the ones who win because the price of oil has risen. “That’s what needs to be discussed: who is winning with these wars?”

He said that “we should also delve deeper and specify who wins with Netanyahu’s war against Palestine. Who won with the US attack on Venezuela, and who will win if they attempt to invade Cuba, which won’t be the same, you know? The Cuban people were born in resistance. They’ve been resisting for over 60 years. It won’t be as easy as they think.”

Sub-commander Moisés, who spoke at “A Window into Zapatismo: A Window into Government Counterinsurgency Programs in the Territories of Zapatista Indigenous Peoples I,” stated that the migration of Indigenous people and farmers to the United States has resulted in lenders seizing their lands because they are unable to repay the loans they took out to emigrate.

“Because of poverty and migration, some people mortgaged their land in exchange for loans. They left, some died, others returned, but they have no way to pay, and the lender keeps the land,” he said.

He added that the fact that “the five, ten, or twenty people who mortgaged or sold their two and a half hectares has led to the emergence of small landowners. Within the ejido, a small or medium-sized landowner has emerged who owns 100, 200, or 300 hectares. Before, it was communal land, plots of 20 hectares, and now two, three, or four people own 300 or 400 hectares. What was once a community has been erased. Now it’s just an empty shell.”

Original article by Elio Henríquez, La Jornada, April 3rd, 2026.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.

Según el capitán Marcos, "el Estado-nación no tiene ninguna capacidad de decisión" pues es "la primera víctima del capitalismo". En la realidad los Estados modernos son más autoritarios y poderosos que nunca. No creo que el tipo desconozca las bases del sistema de poder, lo que pretende es idealizar el nacionalismo y hacer guiños a la izquierda institucional, esa que lo ha financiado.

#EZLN