Una MAGA sostiene la deregulation di Trump
Da "Collegamenti per l'organizzazione diretta di classe" n. 9/Primavera 2025 riportiamo un articolo di Visconte Grisi che mette in luce le contraddizioni della "deregulation" trumpiana ma anche gli elementi di continuità con le politiche delle amministrazioni precedenti.

Se
https://collegamenti.noblogs.org/post/2025/04/09/una-maga-sostiene-la-deregulation-di-trump/
#Internazionale #globalizzazione #PaulMattick #ReArmEurope #SituazioneUSA #Trump

Una MAGA sostiene la deregulation di Trump – Collegamenti per l'organizzazione diretta di classe

Dietz-Bücher schenken, Tipp 21 💙 Das Buch zum Rausschmeißer des Jahres: »Die Rückkehr der Inflation. Geld und Kapital im 21. Jahrhundert« 💸 Paul Mattick bügelt alle hilflosen Erklärungen zu Inflation ab und analysiert sie im Kontext der Geschichte des Kapitalismus: https://dietzberlin.de/produkt/die-rueckkehr-der-inflation

#inflation #paulmattick #geld #wirtschaft #ökonomie #politischeökonomie #kapitalismus #marx #karlmarx

Die Rückkehr der Inflation

Geld und Kapital im 21. Jahrhundert. Buch von Paul Mattick in der Reihe ›Analysen‹ von Dietz Berlin

Karl Dietz Verlag Berlin
Paul Mattick (1939): El Comunismo de Consejos.

"In fact, the ‘lessons of history’ seem to be largely wasted on the new generation, which often merely repeats in a more insolent fashion and with less sophistication the proven mistakes of the past. Instead of finding their orientation in the actual social conditions and their possibilities, the new leftists base their concerns mainly on a set of ideologies that have no relevance to the requirements of social change in capitalist nations. They find their inspiration not in the developmental processes of their own society but in the heroes of popular revolution in faraway countries, thereby revealing that their enthusiasm is not as yet a real concern for decisive social change."

#PaulMattick "Anti-Bolshevik Communism"

Aquí Paul Mattick explica el origen de la división entre trabajo manual y trabajo intelectual, la división entre teoría y praxis. Esto también explica por qué la intelectualidad tiende a creerse mejor que las trabajadoras manuales y por qué algunos marxistas se creen destinados a dirigir al proletariado como si fuera un rebaño incapaz de pensar y organizarse por sí mismo.
#PaulMattick
Il colpo di Stato che non fu tale

di Paul Mattick [Traduciamo e pubblichiamo, con il permesso dell’autore, alcune considerazioni sulle cause e [...]

Carmilla on line
Con Salgari alle radici del tempo

di Sandro Moiso Andrea Gobetti, Dal fondo del pozzo ho guardato le stelle. Memorie di [...]

Carmilla on line
Just as little as Lenin and Trotsky knew what they were actually doing when they were fighting for socialism, just as little do Hitler and Mussolini know today what they are doing in fighting for a greater Germany and the Roman Empire. In the world as it is, there is a wide difference between what men want to do, and what they are actually doing. Men, however great, are very small before history, which steps beyond them and surprises them always anew with the results of their own surprising schemes.
#PaulMattick #保尔马提克
这话总结得深刻,不愧是 #PaulMattick
“The dialectic movement of the world makes every problem an historical problem. It also changes in its course the role of organizations and ideas. What once was revolutionary becomes with general development, reactionary. Organizations, tactics and ideologies that were once the expression of progressive development of the proletarian struggle against capitalism, in time and in the course of that struggle become obstacles in the path of further development. What was once revolutionary, in spite of the fact that it is has now become reactionary, lives on as a Tradition in its original content and form, and hinders the development of the new and the real revolutionary forces. This is why it is necessary that the weapon of criticism becomes the criticism of the weapons.”
#保尔马提克

The revolutions which succeeded, first of all, in Russia and China, were not proletarian revolutions in the Marxist sense, leading to the ‘association of free and equal producers’, but state-capitalist revolutions, which were objectively unable to issue into socialism. Marxism served here as a mere ideology to justify the rise of modified capitalist systems, which were no longer determined by market competition but controlled by way of the authoritarian state. Based on the peasantry, but designed with accelerated industrialisation to create an industrial proletariat, they were ready to abolish the traditional bourgeoisie but not capital as a social relationship. This type of capitalism had not been foreseen by Marx and the early Marxists, even though they advocated the capture of state-power to overthrow the bourgeoisie — but only in order to abolish the state itself.

Although designated as socialism, state-control of the economy and over social life generally, exercised by a privileged social layer as a newly emerging ruling class, has perpetuated for the industrial as well as agricultural labouring classes the conditions of exploitation and oppression which had been their lot under the semi-feudal social relations of capitalistically-underdeveloped nations. That this new social system could also be applied in capitalistically more advanced nations was demonstrated after the second world war, through the extension of state-capitalist system into the West by way of imperial conquest. In either case, ‘socialism’ became quite generally identified with the prevailing state-capitalist systems. Movements exist everywhere whose proclaimed goals are precisely the establishment of similar regimes in additional countries, even though, for opportunistic reasons, these goals may be toned down at times, or even totally disclaimed. There exists then the danger that possible new revolutionary outbreaks may once again be side-tracked into state-capitalist transformations.

This possibility finds its support in the centralising tendencies inherent in capitalism itself. The concentration of capital, its monopolisation, and the rise of corporations in which ownership is separated from direct control, and, finally, the reluctant integration of state and capital in the mixed economy, with its fiscal and monetary manipulations, seem to spell a tendency in the direction of a fullfledged state-capitalism. What once constituted a vague hope on the part of social reformers and what in backward countries became a reality through revolution, appears now as an unavoidable requirement for securing the social relations of capital production.

Although the so-called mixed economy will not automatically transform itself into state-capitalism, new social upheavals may well lead to it in the name of socialism. It is true that ‘Marxism-Leninism’ presents itself today as a purely reformist movement, which, like the Social Democracy of old, prefers the democratic processes of social change to the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism. In some countries, France and Italy, for instance, relatively strong communist parties offer their services to capitalism to help it overcome its crisis conditions. But should everything fail, and an intensified class struggle pose the question of social revolution, there can be no doubt that these parties will opt for state-capitalism, which in their views, is the only possible form of socialism. Thus, the revolution would be at once a counter-revolution. The end of capitalism demands therefore, first of all, the end of Bolshevik ideology and the rise of an anti-Bolshevik revolutionary movement, such as has been attempted at the earlier revolutionary situation to which this book tries to draw attention.

#PaulMattick #保尔马提克
#布尔什维克 #共产主义