Peoples Reject Sheinbaum’s Visit to Morelos for the Anniversary of the Zapata’s Death

Indigenous peoples and organizations rejected President Claudia Sheinbaum’s visit to the Hacienda de Chinameca in Morelos on the occasion of the 107th anniversary of Emiliano Zapata’s assassination, asserting that her actions against communities—such as the lack of justice for community defender Samir Flores and the operation of the Huexca thermoelectric plant—contradict the revolutionary’s “ideology and legacy.”

“The celebratory statements regarding historical Zapatismo by the nation’s president and our state’s governor have not been accompanied by decisive actions to shed light on these crimes, nor by policies of listening to the peoples,” they stated in a declaration, in which they expressed their distrust of the leaders’ words.

“We recall that in the first year of López Obrador’s administration, declared nationally as the Year of Zapata, was the year of the murder of our comrade Samir Flores Soberanes,” a Nahua activist who fought against the Morelos Integral Project (PIM) and was murdered on February 20, 2019, the communities noted.

That year, the People’s Front in Defense of Land and Water (FPDTA) of Morelos, Puebla, and Tlaxcala, together with the National Indigenous Congress and the communities of Huexca, Amilcingo, Ayala, and other areas, occupied the Hacienda de Chinameca “in protest against President López Obrador,” who sought to honor Zapata there, “while as president he betrayed his word to cancel the thermoelectric plant and the gas pipeline and also carried out a consultation that was clearly in defense of the thermoelectric plant,” which was not suspended following the death of Flores Soberanes.

More than seven years after the murder, the communities stated, “we have no justice, in the same situation, now with our murdered comrade Sandra Rosa Camacho, a human rights defender and defender of traditional customs in the municipality of Temoac—all because impunity reigns in the country. With this visit, on the one hand, the state seeks to reclaim the figure of Zapata, and on the other, it contradicts his ideology and legacy.”

They also reiterated that the thermoelectric plant of the Morelos Integral Project remains active and pollutes the waters of the Cuautla River, in addition to causing noise and air pollution in the community of Huexca.

The communities and organizations demanded an end to impunity and called for an investigation into the murder of Samir Flores, as well as for former President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, former Morelos Governor Cuauhtémoc Blanco, current Congressman Hugo Eric Flores, former Morelos Attorney General Uriel Carmona, Valentín Lavin, and Angelina N, alias La Patrona, to be summoned to testify.

“We demand justice for Samir and the peoples of Morelos, and we celebrate the legacy we make our own—from below, popular, and to the left of Emiliano Zapata—which lives on in the organized autonomous communities that the government refuses to see or hear, and instead attacks,” they concluded.

Below is the full statement:

Let’s Celebrate Emiliano Zapata’s Anniversary with Justice

Justice for the people.

Justice for Samir

Chinameca, a place symbolic of the betrayal and assassination of Emiliano Zapata, will receive Mexico’s president and other officials for the government’s official recognition of Emiliano Zapata’s struggle, ideology, and enduring presence among the people.

We recall that in the first year of López Obrador’s administration—declared nationwide as the Year of Zapata—was the year of the assassination of our comrade Samir Flores Soberanes, 2019, a year in which, together with the National Indigenous Congress and the peoples of Huexca, Amilcingo, Ayala, and other regions, we gathered there to denounce President López Obrador and to honor General Zapata from that very place, while, as president, he betrayed his word to cancel the thermoelectric plant and the gas pipeline and, furthermore, carried out a consultation that was clearly in defense of the thermoelectric plant. This consultation took place following a series of forums organized by the federal government’s “superdelegate” for Morelos, the now-Zionist congressman Hugo Erik Flores, with whom our comrade Samir had engaged in a fierce debate just before he was murdered. His murder did not warrant suspending the referendum, in which—it must be remembered—if only the towns and communities affected by the power plant and the gas pipeline had been counted, the NO vote would have won. Instead, however, the large urban centers were also consulted, tipping the balance in favor of the YES vote.

Seven years later, we still have no justice; we find ourselves in the same situation, now with the murder of our compañera Sandra Rosa Camacho, a human rights defender and advocate for traditional customs in the municipality of Temoac—all because impunity reigns in this country. With this visit, on the one hand, the state seeks to reclaim Zapata’s legacy, while on the other, it contradicts his ideals and legacy.

The Morelos Comprehensive Project, centered around the Huexca thermoelectric plant, remains in place, polluting the waters of the Cuautla River and causing noise and air pollution in the community, since it is located just 300 meters from the community’s preschool, and it continues to poison the political climate—not only regionally but nationally—as the murder of our comrade Samir Flores Soberanes, a representative of the community opposition to the plan’s implementation, remains unpunished.

That is why—because the statements by the President of the nation and the governor of our state celebrating the legacy of Zapatismo have not been accompanied by decisive action to solve these crimes, nor by policies that truly listen to the people—we do not trust their words.

We demand an investigation into the murder of our brother Samir Flores and call on Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Cuauhtémoc Blanco, Hugo Eric Flores, Uriel Carmona, Valentín Lavin, and Angelina N, alias La Patrona, to testify.

It is wonderful that a museum is being built to house and highlight the participation of Zapatista women in the historic struggle of the Mexican Revolution, but at the same time, as women from Zapata’s homeland, we continue to carry the wound of being recognized in museums but not in everyday politics. The wound caused by the murders of Samir and Sandra is also ours.

That is why today, just as we have every year since 2019, we demand justice for Samir and the peoples of Morelos, and we celebrate the legacy we make our own—from below, popular, and to the left of Emiliano Zapata—which lives on in the organized autonomous communities that the government refuses to see or hear, and instead attacks.

Morelos, April 10, 2026

Frente de Pueblos en Defensa de la Tierra y el Agua Morelos, Puebla, Tlaxcala

Red Morelense de apoyo al CIG-CNI Nuestra Alegre Rebeldía

Colectiva Diversa

Empalabrando colectivo

Unión de Comunidades Indígenas de la Zona Norte del Istmo de Tehuantepec, UCIZONI

Raíces en resistencia Tlatelolco, CDMX

Colectivo Luciérnagas que Siembran, CDMX

RAIS/Red de Apoyo Iztapalapa Sexta

Profes en la Sexta

Colectivo Gavilanas

Colectivo Cuaderno Común

Colectivo Cafetos

Colectivo La Otra Justicia

Colectivo La Grieta

Comunidad Tanezi Calli en Resistencia

Comunidad de XOCHITLANEZI

El Grupo de la Puerta, Puebla/CDMX

Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de las Casas

Instituto Cultural Autónomo Rubén Jaramillo Ménez, Morelos

La Oveja Roja

Colectivo Tierra y Libertad Cuautla, Morelos

Sexta por la libre, Yucatán

Morada Tropikal El Teatrito Yucatán

Mínima Galería Íntima/Narraturgias de la Memoria

El bordado de Ramona

Colectivo Mujeres Tierra

Mexicali Resiste

Concejo Autónomo de Santiago Mexquititlán Amealco Querétaro

Espacio de lucha contra el olvidoy la represión . Elcor, Chiapas

Antsetik Ts’unun, mujeres defensoras de Chiapas

Red de Resistencias y Rebeldías AJMAQ, Chiapas

Partido de los Comunistas

Mexicanos Unidos

Brigada Callejera de apoyo a la mujer

Colectivo Criptopozol DDHH

Comité de Enlace Latinoamericano, CELC

Organización Popilar Francisco Villa de Izquierda Independiente

Concejo Indígena y Popular de Guerrero y Emiliano Zapata, CIPOG-EZ

Comunidad Indígena Otomí residente de la CDMX

UPREZ Benito Juárez

Café Zapata Vive

Juventud Comunista de México

Jorge Alonso, Ciesas Occidente

Alicia Castellanos Guerrero, UAM Iztapalapa

Gilberto López y Rivas, profesor investigador INAH Morelos

Efraín Rojas Bruschetta

Alberto Colín, adherente a la sexta

Calixto Trinidad Carbajal Balderas, de La Otra en el Sur de Morelos

Oralba Castillo Nájera de Nuestra Alegre Rebeldía

Márgara Millán, Red de feminismos descoloniales

Servando Gajá, Nuestra Alegre Rebeldía

José Antonio Olvera Llamas, Nuestra Alegre Rebeldía

María de Lourdes Lara López, Nuestra Alegue Rebeldía

Dr. Calixto Trinidad Carbajal Balderas de la Otra en el Sur de Morelos

Original text published by Desinformémonos on April 10th, 2026.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=31438 #chiapas #ezln #mexico #MexicoCity #northAmerica #zapatista

The Commons, Structure Designed To Replace Capitalist System Which No Longer Works: Subcomandante Moisés

 

San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas. “The pyramid doesn’t exist for us, because we’ve already destroyed it and we’re building what we call the Commons,” stated Subcomandante Moisés.

He said that in the face of “the capitalist storm, we Zapatistas categorically state that whatever the pyramid may be, it is not the solution. Our practice of how we want to build a common government is not just about working the land, but about everything that can be done in the new life, a new world, a new society, but without the pyramid that we see as no longer useful.”

Moisés made these remarks while participating in one of the sessions of the so-called April 2026 Semillero: The Storm Inside and Outside According to the Zapatista Communities and Peoples, which took place in San Cristóbal from April 2nd to 4th, with the participation of 540 people from more than 30 countries.

The Commons project that the Zapatistas have put into practice, he said, “is in thought, in looking, in listening, it is in sensing how we are, how we live and it is in the physical aspect of how we feel, how we are living on this planet Earth.”

He added that “the problem we see is one of inheritance, because we can’t leave behind what we’ve been practicing as Zapatistas for over 30 years. No, we can’t leave it like this to the children of today. And we’re not just thinking about the children of Mexico, but of the world, because the capitalist legacy they’ve left us, which we now say with its pyramid structure, is useless.”

It was then, he explained, that “we began to build it and said it should be a common government, but there was nothing to hold onto to create it. We had to bring men and women together—that is, fathers, mothers, young men and women—and discuss it, but first the representatives of each zone, each region, and each town had to meet to explain it.”

He said that “from observing and combining thoughts” arose the idea of ​​the Commons, so that each community can face the storm, be it war or the reaction of Mother Earth.

He commented that this is also how “the supreme assembly” was born, where representatives, men and women, from each community come together. “And there we clarify how we are going to work with the other communities that are not Zapatistas,” because “we are not going to achieve what is called uniting, but rather uniting a way of thinking about how we are going to solve problems in life, because we need the perspectives of others, not to compete, but to analyze what the best way is” to do things.

That is why, Moisés added, “we use the word sharing. Others say exchange, but it is not to convince us that we are going to have to be one.”

The sub-commander pointed out that in the Zapatista project of the Commons, “we don’t want to unite into a single organization. In some areas, we are already seeing changes. For example, in the thousands of hectares recovered (after the 1994 armed uprising), our brothers and sisters (non-Zapatistas) are already working, whereas before we were closed off. First, we had to open our minds.”

He stated that “we are changing our structure and figuring out the best way to build the Commons. We are analyzing what needs improvement.”

He commented that before, members of the EZLN “could only be support base members or militiamen. Not anymore. They can participate in the health sector, be lab technicians or ultrasound technicians. Before, they were appointed, but over time we discovered that we weren’t getting it right. When they were appointed, they were told they had to go to health, for example, without knowing if that was their natural talent, if they had a liking for it or if they were willing. That’s why they didn’t put in the effort. Sometimes they tried it and then left.”

He added that “during this time we discovered that it’s better to explain the importance of each task, such as laboratory work, ultrasound, studying or learning about medicinal plants.”

Now, he elaborated, “we ask if there are volunteers who want to learn these things, and they go with great enthusiasm because they volunteered to learn these areas.”

He affirmed that the Common project is about “working with our brothers and sisters. In two years of practicing this, we’ve seen that we do understand each other and we have ideas under development for how to improve.”

He emphasized: “We are working together, for example, on the land. We are all integrated, Zapatistas and non-Zapatistas. Understanding each other has helped us; there is a shared understanding. As Indigenous peoples in Mexico, we agree.”

Insisting on how the Zapatistas are managing to do many things together, he said, “I think we’re going to have to change our motto from ‘everything for everyone, nothing for ourselves’ to ‘everything for everyone, in common.’” He also reported that the EZLN will create new Caracoles, in addition to the 12 it already has.

Original article by Elio Henríquez, La Jornada, April 5th, 2026.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=31374 #chiapas #ezln #mexico #northAmerica #zapatista

Zapatista Semillero: The Storm Inside and Outside

On April 2nd, 3rd, and 4th, a unique workshop was held at CIDECI in San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas, centered on presentations by both Sub-commander Moisés and Captain Marcos. It was attended by approximately 500 people from some 30 countries, including Germany, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, the United States, France, England, Iran, Italy, and the Czech Republic, as well as members of national organizations and collectives and EZLN grassroots members. This audience did not participate; this was likely by design, as the aim was to present the Zapatista voice and thereby promote a shared process of reflection within the participants’ own communities. The workshop’s central theme was “The Storm Inside and Outside,” which had been announced a short time ago by the EZLN.

A brief historical overview was offered: from the Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee (CCRI) of 1994 to the EZLN of 2026. Captain Marcos highlighted that in ’94 the press debate revolved around why they rose up and then why they took so long. Later, the so-called civil society emerged, those without party affiliation. And the peak of the EZLN’s fame, from 1996 to 2001, with the San Andrés Accords, marked a turning point where it became clear that “after the fame and infamy, we saw that we were no longer just fighting for rights.”

The changes in the EZLN’s structure were addressed, aiming to abolish the pyramid that had been established. In 2014, Galeano was assassinated, Marcos died, and Galeano was reborn; Moisés assumed leadership. In 2015, the seminar “The Capitalist Hydra” was held, and they said we were exaggerating, even though we had been writing about what is happening now. Afterward, the first declaration for life was released, signed by them and others. The first stage was the tour of Europe led by Sub-commander Moisés. Upon his return, he said, “They’re really screwed. As things stand, we’re not going to make it; with the structure we have, we’re not going to make it.”

Following his anti-capitalist stance, Sub-commander Moisés pointed out, “We fight for the liberation of all living beings. They are destroying not only human life, but everything around us. You talk about climate change, we talk about Mother Earth. We won’t have homes or life if planet Earth is completely destroyed. Our grandparents and great-grandparents have told us how things were before; where it used to rain, now it doesn’t; where it was hot, now it’s cold. They knew when things bloomed. The question is, what to do? We are part of life. Now capital comes along and seeks to multiply its profits, and who buys it? Are we the consumers? Our grandparents from 80 years ago said they never saw water being sold.”

Sub-commander Moisés criticized the operation of government programs, citing impositions and mismanagement. The programs “Sowing Life,” “Youth Building the Future,” and “Our School” are mentioned. Another one they mention is “Servants of the Nation.” These are the ones promoting the vote that this government must continue to receive because otherwise, these programs will be discontinued. Vote-buying is already underway. And the sub-commander emphasized: “We are still facing the storm caused by the pyramid scheme. We have already destroyed it, and now we are building the Commons. It’s not just about the land; it’s about a new world, a new society, but without the pyramid. The problem we see is the capitalist legacy; we cannot abandon it.”

“We said that everyone should get together while we figure out how we are going to deal with the other communities that are not Zapatistas; they face a different situation, other sectors. The Commons is the opposite of ownership. No one should own the wind, the land, life, or human beings, not under a single ideology. In two years, our brothers arrived; now we don’t call them party members.” The assembly will no longer be exclusively for Zapatistas; those who are not will participate equally, as a group.”

Captain Marcos addressed the invisible wars. Deserters, informers, torturers, police, soldiers, they beat a journalist, and the media doesn’t report it. There is no difference between oppressor and oppressed. The women just want to be left alone to live in peace.

Increasingly, the concept of nation is being displaced onto soccer. States have lost their monopoly on violence because of organized crime; its infiltration is real. The market is no longer national, but transnational. There is also the monopoly on fake news, which is no longer controlled by the government; social media controls it. The captain reiterated that “the nation-state has no decision-making power. They can’t say that Mexico is sovereign if it can’t even decide whether to send oil to Cuba.”

He emphasized that the groups fighting for the disappeared are the ones who don’t give up, don’t sell out, don’t surrender. Don Mario and Doña Hilda from Ayotzinapa are here because truth and justice are part of the story of the disappeared. The seedbed and the shared proposals are an effort to promote a shift away from the paradigm imposed by those in power: conform, resign yourself, don’t organize.

Original article by Magdalena Gómez, La Jornada, April 7th, 2026.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=31255 #chiapas #ezln #mexico #northAmerica #zapatista

Disappeared Victims in Mexico ‘’Are Not a Number, But People’’ – Zapatista

San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas. The victims of enforced disappearance in Mexico “are not a number to be manipulated in the media, as is happening these days, but rather people with names, stories, relatives, and friends who are nowhere to be found and who must be located and rescued for life, for memory, and for both,” Captain Marcos of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) said.

He added that the struggle of the hundreds of collectives, groups, and organizations searching for their disappeared relatives “has been used for partisan political agendas.”

He said that “there have been attempts to co-opt them, manipulate them, silence them, make them disappear, but they are still there, and no matter what spectacle they put on from above—be it soccer, music, or useless and sterile debates—they will remain there and will not falter until those who are missing today reappear.”

And yes, he added, “perhaps the Mexican soccer team will finally reach the fifth game and it will all be a party and a celebration, and people will say ‘I always knew it,’ and Vasco is Basque, but long live Mexico, you bastards, you bitches, and cheers! But in the uncertain limbo of what was once the Mexican nation, now united only by pain and terror, those who fight tirelessly for the disappeared will continue, among them, one who was once called homeland and who is lost between the frivolous and superficial because truth and justice are part of the disappeared.”

Marcos expressed the above during the third and final day of activities of the April 2026 Semillero: The Storm Inside and Outside, According to the Zapatista Communities and Peoples, held in San Cristóbal.

Unity and Fragmentation in the Struggle

In the 1 p.m. session, she spoke about “A Peep into the Storm in the World: The Fragmentation of Territories and Resistances and Rebellions,” saying that “only those who are clear about the why, that is, their history; the what for, that is, their objective; and the how, that is, their organizational structure, are the ones who do not falter, do not surrender, do not sell out, and do not give up.”

He added: “Here, for example, are some of the parents of the missing students from Ayotzinapa, who, as on other occasions, are with us: Don Mario and Doña Hilda, who, like the rest of their comrades, continue to persevere in the search for their missing loved ones.”

The hundreds of attendees at the meeting held at the Caracol Jacinto Canek*, located within the Comprehensive Indigenous Training Center (CIDECI) in San Cristóbal, chanted: “September 26th is not forgotten, it is a day of combative struggle.”

The captain had previously referred to “the unity and fragmentation of the struggle” and said that “a few months ago” Sub-commander Moisés briefed the militia on what he had discussed in a session of the General Assembly of Local Autonomous Governments.

“He told us that our duty as present-day Zapatistas is to create the material conditions for the survival of future generations; that is, the conditions for them to have life, but that they were already seeing that this wasn’t enough, that we had to transmit to them resistance and rebellion, that is, not surrendering, not selling out, and not giving up, and that this couldn’t be put on paper or in a community assembly resolution. It’s not even something that could be transmitted verbally.”

Resign Yourself or Organize

He pointed out that after several assemblies, they concluded that “one of the proposals was that the legacy should be the example, that resistance and rebellion, not selling out, not surrendering, and not giving up were just empty words if they weren’t accompanied by action; that if we wanted to inherit the Commons, we had to practice it—those of us who are authorities, leaders, organizers, area and inter-zone leaders, officers and militia, and all the titles and roles that arise in our organizational structure.”

This idea of ​​legacy, Marcos explained, “is relevant, because every movement, organization, group, collective, individual who resists and rebels has consciously or unconsciously made a decision in the face of the dilemma posed by this year’s call: to resign yourself or to organize.”

He continued: “Our Zapatista belief is that behind every call for unconditional unity lies an attempt at absorption, hegemony, and homogenization. Every call for unity masks the main issue: who will be in charge and how we will operate. In other words, the implementation of a pyramid structure. We see that fragmentation is not actually division, but rather the recognition of differences. They make us believe that we are stronger if we unite and present a common front, but they don’t clarify that within that union, there are those who command and those who obey.”

He clarified that the Commons proposed by the Zapatistas “doesn’t refer to individual organization but to the objective: confronting the enemy. Many struggles, many battles, and one fight against the system. We don’t know if this vision we have will work, and certainly it can be debated, discussed, and rejected that the fragmentation of organizations leads to a good outcome. What is certain is that there are many examples of unity, with a capital U, ending in failure. We believe that unity should not be confused with the objectives of an organizational community.”

*The Caracol Jacinto Canek is no longer located in CIDECI (translator’s note).

Original article by Elio Henríquez, La Jornada, April 4th, 2026.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=31127 #chiapas #ezln #mexico #northAmerica #subcomandanteMarcos #zapatista

EZLN Says Nation-state No Longer Has Decision-making Power

San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas. The main victim of the current stage of capitalism is the nation-state, which now has no decision-making capacity, Captain Marcos of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) stated.

He added that “in our opinion, and we may be wrong, the reconstruction of the nation-state is not possible because it no longer has fundamental bases.”

Marcos expressed this during the second day of activities of the April 2026 Seedbed: The Storm Inside and Outside, according to the Zapatista communities and peoples, which is being held in San Cristóbal with the participation of 418 people from some thirty countries, including Germany, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, the United States, France, England, Iran, and Italy, in addition to members of the EZLN.

Speaking this Friday on “A Peep into the Storm in the World: Nation-States Under Attack,” he said that “the nation-state is born for capitalism; that is, the bourgeoisie needs a state, a territory, a currency, laws, a geographical boundary, a coat of arms, a flag. And so, nation-states are born.”

In fact, he added, “in Europe, where feudalism was displaced and revolutions began to form the nation-state, that is where capitalism found fertile ground and began to develop. It developed to such an extent that the nation-state becomes an obstacle, and capitalism, the system, requires that goods circulate, are sold quickly, and generate the greatest profit as quickly as possible.”

He pointed out that “national currencies, the national legal structure, the governance they call it—that is, the form of government and the entire legal system—are obstacles to them. Then, free trade agreements come along, and borders open up for investments and goods but close down for human beings.”

The captain reiterated that “the nation-state has no decision-making capacity. Sovereignty is a bad joke. They can’t say that Mexico is sovereign, even if they say so at the morning press conference, if it can’t even decide whether to send oil to Cuba. It is not possible. In a developed nation-state, that decision rests with the government, to say who to give or sell to, or who not to. That is no longer possible.”

He stated that “the entire offensive under the names of (Donald) Trump and (Benjamin) Netanyahu is related to this. Israel thinks it is defending the nation-state, and that’s not true. As long as the people of Israel don’t understand that Palestine is the home of the Palestinians, that they will always want to return, and that they carry the key to their land wherever they go, until they die, are killed, or disappear, this will not stop.” In reality, he elaborated, “Netanyahu isn’t defending the State of Israel, that’s a lie. He’s conquering territory, but the Palestinians aren’t going to surrender. I don’t know how many years it will take; they’re not going to surrender. There’s something deep within them that I can’t explain, I don’t know if anyone can: Why, with everything against them, do the Palestinian people continue to resist? Why are the Cuban people preparing for an invasion? If they’re supposedly under a dictatorship, why don’t they take to the streets and say: Yes, invade us and liberate us?”

He added: “Why did the U.S. military enter Venezuela to kidnap Nicolás Maduro and Cilia—it was funny how the media didn’t want to say ‘to kidnap’ and intstead said they went ‘to detain’ them—and if they won the elections, why didn’t anyone take to the streets to welcome them? They had to make a one-way trip. It’s not that they had almost no casualties; they didn’t have any because the U.S. military uses mercenaries for that. These people don’t exist; they’re paid, and if they’re killed, they just die, they have no names’. So, the U.S. military casualties during the kidnapping in Venezuela don’t appear on the lists, and the major left-wing analysts, including those from Cuba, take it for granted that what Trump says about them having no casualties is true. They did have casualties. The thing is, they used mercenaries. Just as Putin had to use them in Ukraine. Not even a country’s national army can sustain a war on its own anymore. They have to rely on other means.”

Marcos asserted that in the US and Israel’s war against Iran, the big oil companies are the ones who win because the price of oil has risen. “That’s what needs to be discussed: who is winning with these wars?”

He said that “we should also delve deeper and specify who wins with Netanyahu’s war against Palestine. Who won with the US attack on Venezuela, and who will win if they attempt to invade Cuba, which won’t be the same, you know? The Cuban people were born in resistance. They’ve been resisting for over 60 years. It won’t be as easy as they think.”

Sub-commander Moisés, who spoke at “A Window into Zapatismo: A Window into Government Counterinsurgency Programs in the Territories of Zapatista Indigenous Peoples I,” stated that the migration of Indigenous people and farmers to the United States has resulted in lenders seizing their lands because they are unable to repay the loans they took out to emigrate.

“Because of poverty and migration, some people mortgaged their land in exchange for loans. They left, some died, others returned, but they have no way to pay, and the lender keeps the land,” he said.

He added that the fact that “the five, ten, or twenty people who mortgaged or sold their two and a half hectares has led to the emergence of small landowners. Within the ejido, a small or medium-sized landowner has emerged who owns 100, 200, or 300 hectares. Before, it was communal land, plots of 20 hectares, and now two, three, or four people own 300 or 400 hectares. What was once a community has been erased. Now it’s just an empty shell.”

Original article by Elio Henríquez, La Jornada, April 3rd, 2026.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=30971 #chiapas #ezln #mexico #northAmerica #zapatista

Semillero Program April 2026. The Storm Inside and Outside According to the Zapatista Communities and Peoples

The Storm Inside and Outside According to the Zapatista Communities and Peoples.
Center: CIDECI of San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico.

Thursday, April 2nd, 2026:

1:00 PM

– A Peep into the Storm in the World: Wars and Resistance and Rebellion.
32 Years: A Brief Historical Overview: From the CCRI of 1994 to the Commons of 2026.

Insurgent Captain Marcos.

– A Window into Zapatismo. A Window into the Climate Storm in the Territories of Zapatista Indigenous Peoples I.

Insurgent Sub-commander Moisés.

5:00 PM:

– A Window into Zapatismo. A Window into the Climate Storm in the Territories of Zapatista Indigenous Peoples II.

Insurgent Sub-commander Moisés.

– A Peep into the Storm in the World: War and Wars. Short Story: “Love and Heartbreak According to the Zapatista Autonomous Health System.”

Captain Insurgent Marcos.

– -*- –

Friday, April 3rd, 2026:

1:00 PM:

– A Window into Zapatismo: A Window into Government Counterinsurgency Programs in the Territories of Zapatista Indigenous Peoples I.

Insurgent Sub-commander Moisés.

– A Peep into the Storm in the World: Nation-States Under Attack.

Insurgent Captain Marcos.

5:00 PM:

– A Window into Zapatismo: A Window into Government Counterinsurgency Programs in the Territories of Zapatista Indigenous Peoples II.

Insurgent Sub-commander Moisés.

– A Peep into the Storm in the World: The Objectives and the Victims. Short Story: “Love and Heartbreak According to the Zapatista Autonomous Education System”

Insurgent Captain Marcos.

-*-

Saturday, April 4th, 2026:

1:00 PM

– A Window into Zapatismo: A Window to the Commons as an Option for Resistance and Rebellion in Indigenous Territories I.

Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés.

– A Peep into the Storm in the World: The Fragmentation of Territories and Resistances and Rebellions.

Insurgent Captain Marcos.

5:00 PM

– A Window into Zapatismo: A Window to the Commons as an Option for Resistance and Rebellion in Indigenous Territories II.

Insurgent Sub-commander Moisés.

– A Peep into the Storm in the World: Theory and Practice in the Generations. Story: “Love and Heartbreak According to Grandmother Gabriela.”

Insurgent Captain Marcos.

– Closing Remarks. Insurgent Sub-commander Moisés.

That’s all.

Original article Enlace Zapatista, March 29th, 2026.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=30658 #chiapas #ezln #mexico #northAmerica #zapatista

Dialogues of San Andrés: For the First Time, Indigenous Peoples Were Placed at the Top of the National Agenda

Last February marked the 30th anniversary of the signing of the San Andrés Accords on Indigenous Rights and Culture between the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) and various branches of the Mexican government—historic documents in which the government committed to recognizing the rights and culture of indigenous peoples in the Constitution and within the structure of the Mexican political system.

“There is no doubt that they are of significant importance,” says Carlos González, a lawyer specializing in agrarian law and a founding member of the National Indigenous Congress (CNI), “because they embody a historic process—the Zapatista uprising [1994]—and the process they managed to generate together with organizations, communities, and academics during the discussion and drafting of the agreements.”

The lawyer, who participated in the San Andrés Agreements Forum as part of the National and International Day of Justice for Samir and Self-Determination for the Peoples, highlights three elements he considers significant in the Agreements: the recognition of territorial rights; the recognition of communities as public-law entities with governmental functions; and the capacity to manage fiscal budgets within the framework of the Mexican state structure.

“The failure to comply with these agreements” is also significant, he argues. They were signed in 1996. Following that, a proposal—a legal draft—was drawn up to incorporate them into the Constitution, something that “did not happen” in subsequent constitutional amendments.

In the 2001 constitutional reform, he explains, neither the first set of rights—that is, territorial rights—nor the second set of political rights, which would allow the peoples to exercise autonomy, were recognized. “It was a true betrayal of the San Andrés Accords,” he summarizes. This betrayal led to “our peoples deepening the exercise of autonomy without seeking constitutional recognition or legal recognition from the Mexican state,” he says.

The administration of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (2018–2024) promoted the 2024 constitutional reform, and according to its own propaganda and that of its allies, the San Andrés Accords are finally being incorporated into the Constitution. “The truth is that it didn’t do so thoroughly. This reform carries more weight for what it fails to recognize than for what it does recognize,” says attorney González.

While, on the one hand, it recognizes communities as public legal entities, on the other, it once again fails to recognize territorial rights. The concept of territory “as a legal concept with clear and precise content, as provided for in international law, conventions, and treaties, is left out of the wording of the constitutional reform. As long as the territorial rights of indigenous peoples are not recognized, it is very difficult to speak of the full exercise of autonomy.”

Furthermore, the lawyer emphasizes that the context in which the agreements were drafted was different from both the country’s current reality and its constitutional framework. “If we compare this country’s constitution before the agreements were signed with the one we have today, they are completely different.”

“After the agreements, a series of changes were made to the legal framework to adapt it to the ‘needs of dispossession and exploitation by large corporations,’” he notes. A whole cycle of neoliberal reforms ensued, beginning with the 1992 reform of Article 27 regarding land and water, and the 1994 Free Trade Agreement with the United States and Canada. “Reforms will continue with the Mining Law, amendments to the Water Law, the Biosafety Law, amendments to the Forestry Law, and a host of changes in the administrative sphere, to facilitate the dispossession and privatization of water and natural resources.”

“Given the current legal framework, the idea that—with the San Andrés Accords incorporated into the Constitution in a ‘half-hearted manner,’ as was done in 2024—our peoples will achieve full recognition of their autonomy and rights is, in our view, a pipe dream,” he argues.

The Important

Beyond the agreements that were signed, for Gilberto López y Rivas—who advised the Zapatistas at the time—the significance of this moment in Mexican history lay in the San Andrés dialogue process—which took place between November 1995 and February 1996, prior to the signing—and brought together at least 2,000 people. “It was a constituent congress from the perspective of grassroots Mexico and the indigenous peoples, where sectors of Mexican civil society had the opportunity to raise awareness, to learn, and to deepen their understanding of the collective rights of the peoples, particularly the collective right to territory and autonomy and to the defense of the codes and norms of life that these peoples uphold,” he says.

Furthermore, this process allowed for the participation of nearly 40 indigenous peoples who, a few months later, in October 1996, joined the CNI. “I believe that the most important aspect of the San Andrés process—in organizational and political terms—was not the San Andrés Accords themselves, but rather the formation of the National Indigenous Congress and, subsequently, the Indigenous Governing Council. In this sense, the formation of the CNI was one of the most significant outcomes.”

Before, During and After the Accords

Similarly, Carlos Beas, coordinator of the Union of Indigenous Communities of the Northern Isthmus (UCIZONI), who also advised the EZLN during this process, focuses his analysis on the San Andrés talks and, furthermore, on the Mexican context before and after the signing of the agreements.

According to Beas, indigenous peoples have always been present in Mexico’s major social struggles, but they were not recognized as indigenous peoples. Mexico’s democratization struggles in the 1950s and 1960s—the teachers’ and doctors’ union movement of that era, for example—“were led by indigenous leaders, who were recognized as union leaders but not as indigenous peoples.” Or then in the 1970s, “a major independent movement of struggle that would build an initiative for mobilization and land seizures—there were many indigenous organizations that did not call themselves indigenous organizations; they were peasants.”

According to him, it was in the 1980s, when changes began to take place. In Oaxaca, for example, a proposal for self-determination and autonomy emerged in the Sierra Norte. “It is important to focus on the agreements reached in the dialogues that took place within society itself. On this occasion, indigenous organizations were already openly raising the demand for indigenous rights.”

He points out that, in the first declaration from the Lacandon Jungle, in the ten points announced by the EZLN, “not a single one called for indigenous rights. It called for housing, health care, water, justice. But it did not speak of the specific rights of indigenous peoples.”

It will be in the discussions taking place within the framework of the San Andrés Accords “that the EZLN recognizes and takes up this demand; this is the importance of the agreements—more than the dialogue with the state, more than the state’s legal recognition—it was the dialogue between society and the indigenous peoples that placed indigenous rights as the first item on the national agenda,” he maintains.

He points out that “the idea that there was an atmosphere of complete harmony among the EZLN’s advisors is false. There were intense internal debates; it was a struggle to impose the vision of prioritizing the rights of indigenous peoples.”

The Ucizoni coordinator emphasizes that the San Andrés dialogues “gave rise to various reflections and processes.” After 1996, he notes, three major independent currents within the indigenous movement in Mexico began to emerge. On one hand, the indigenous current aligned with the PRD (which has since migrated to Morena). On the other hand, those we “call the ‘legalists’ (who ended up in López Obrador’s government), mainly comrades from Oaxaca who advocate for constitutional recognition.”

“And a third current, which remains alive to this day as an independent movement, is the one that has been advocating for the defense of our territories and the rights of our peoples—but from an autonomous perspective, free from any state oversight—because we know the state will never recognize the rights of our peoples, much less our rights to self-determination,” Beas asserts.

For him, we must “dispel the illusion of the State as a great benefactor” that will recognize the rights of our peoples. “We have paid dearly for this approach, diverting our focus toward legal recognition. The only thing that has come of it is that a bunch of bastards have taken over the Supreme Court of Justice and the INPI [National Institute of Indigenous Peoples]—it’s that simple. We believe the path forward is very clear. The path that the peoples’ struggle must follow is one independent of political parties and the state—a truly autonomous struggle.”

The Agreements

The Tzotzil municipality of San Andrés Larráinzar, located in the Los Altos region of Chiapas, Mexico—renamed San Andrés Sakamch’en de los Pobres by the Zapatista Army—served as the venue between 1995 and 1996 for a dialogue process involving the EZLN, the state, indigenous movements, and various sectors of Mexican society. Both government delegates and Zapatistas were accompanied by advisors and experts for each of the topics at the four negotiating tables: Indigenous Rights and Culture, Democracy and Justice, Welfare and Development, and Women’s Rights in Chiapas.

As a result of the first round table, Indigenous Rights and Culture, the San Andrés Accords were signed. Following the signing, progress was made at the second roundtable, Democracy and Justice, which continued until September 2, 1996, when the EZLN suspended negotiations, arguing that the government was not fulfilling its commitment to enact legislation. The last two rounds were scheduled to take place between late 1996 and early 1997; ultimately, they did not occur.

Original text by Renata Bessi published in Avispa Midia on March 11th, 2026.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=30347 #chiapas #ezln #mexico #northAmerica #zapatista

The Damned and the Ants (Love and Heartbreak According to a Zapatista Child)

(A note of clarification for those unfamiliar with certain terms: GAL stands for Local Autonomous Government, and GALes is the plural. CGAZ is like the coordinating body for the GALes, organized by geographical proximity. ACEGAZ is the assembly of the GAL coordinating bodies. The INTERZONA is where those in charge of all the Zapatista zones meet (the comandantas and comandantes, that is). The PERMANENTE is an assembly of comrades who are learning to govern. But don’t pay too much attention to these names because, as the COMMON is still being built, the structure keeps changing in form and name. End of explanatory note.)

Once upon a time, there was a boy. A Zapatista. Not very big, but not very small either. He is of Mayan descent and lives with his family in a community where there are Zapatistas and partisans—that is, what we now call “non-Zapatista brothers and sisters.”

This kid is a real handful. As soon as he learned to walk, he’d wander out of the house and off he’d go. When they went out to look for him, his parents always found him in trouble: he’d tried to catch a wasp, or he’d covered his whole body in mud—completely naked, but covered in mud—because he’d started playing with the little pigs. Another time they found him in the pasture, apparently talking to a cow that had just had a calf. “I was just asking her about her calf,” he said when they scolded him.

Well, since the boy was so mischievous, his dad and mom took turns watching him.

But you know how men are—they say they’re watching him, but they’re just on their phones, checking Facebook or WhatsApp and stuff like that.

Moms, we know, if they’re going to watch you, they’re really going to watch you. And it’s like they have eyes everywhere, even in the back of their heads, because any mischief you try to pull off in secret, they catch you right away.

Well, we also know that moms scold a lot. It’s not just that they say, “Don’t do that”—no, they start telling you a whole bunch of things that sound like they’re praying, and what’s worse is that they scold you in your native language, in Spanish, and sometimes even in English, French, Italian, German, and even Farsi.

This boy’s mom scolded him, saying, “You goddamn devil child, you’re going to hell for all the mischief you get into.”

And that’s how this boy’s day went: him getting into mischief, his dad playing dumb, and his mom scolding both of them.

Well, the day finally came when the boy had to go to the public school. So all the boys and girls are at school on the first day of class, and the education promoter arrives.

So the rumor goes that the education promoter was head over heels in love—in a way you wouldn’t believe—with a health promoter. But the problem was that she and he were from two different puyes, that is, from two different caracoles (“puy” means “caracol” in the Mayan language). She was in one puy, and he was in another puy that’s out in the middle of nowhere. She and he met at an anniversary party for the uprising. They didn’t say a word; they just danced together. And even though it was freezing cold, they didn’t feel the cold. He was even sweating, and she was blushing, blushing bright red with embarrassment. They didn’t say a word to each other, but the education promoter looked into it thoroughly.

You see how our comrades are—they have a secret system of investigation and communication—so this comrade first investigated the most important thing. That is, whether or not the guy has a wife.

Once she found out he didn’t have a wife, the compañera looked for a good excuse to see him.

And the idea came to him because the theater folks frompuyes get together every so often when SubMoy calls on them to put on a play.

And she figured out a way for the boy to join the theater group too, so they could see each other, and maybe talk, and maybe hold hands, and maybe hug, and maybe share a little kiss, and maybe… Oh my goodness!

Well, it was known that there would soon be an arts festival and that the theater folks would be called upon to prepare a play about community and nature. So, is the education promoter even paying attention in class? No, she’s completely distracted, thinking about something else; she can’t concentrate and is just sighing, wondering when she’ll get to see her beloved. But all the girls and boys are already here, and they’re already fighting over a chamoy candy that Verónica, Ceci, and Hermelinda Damiana brought (who are the new recruits of the Popcorn Command).

So, since the class monitor is distracted because she’s in love, when she goes to take attendance using the list the teacher gave her, she can’t find it. She looks for the list, but it’s not there.

And it’s a big problem, but the class monitor may be in love, she’s not stupid, and she says, “Okay, everyone is going to say their name so we all know each other’s names.”

So every girl and boy goes around saying their name, and when it’s the mischievous boy’s turn, he says, “My name is Condenado (Damned) and my last name is Chamaco del Demonio  (Devil’s Child).” “That’s what my mom calls me all the time—‘Damned Devil’s Child’—so that’s my name.”

The promoter, as I said, was head over heels in love, so she didn’t care and wrote him down on the list: “Condenado Chamaco del Demonio. 4 years old, almost 5, from GAL such-and-such,” and all that stuff about cgaz, acegaz, interacegaz, permanente, interzona, and those weird names that are common among the Zapatistas.

When he checked the list, the teacher trainer didn’t notice because he was arguing with his wife, who was scolding him for supposedly flirting with their friend Ruperta.

And the teacher defended himself: “But how could you think that, woman? Ruperta is 80 years old.” “It doesn’t matter,” said the jealous wife, “she’s got 80 years of tricks—so many that not even a truck could carry them all—and she’s a husband-stealer.”

And there they were, fighting and fighting, and the teacher didn’t notice that on the list there was a boy named “Condenado” whose last name was “Chamaco del Demonio.

And so that boy’s name remained on his school record. And that’s how his classmates knew him.

But the matter reached the meetings of the Word of God. And there they heard the tunel (pronounced with an acute accent, who is in charge of the sacraments) say that one must be careful with bad people, “they are the damned,” he said, “and one must not associate with the damned.”

And sure enough, the next day, no one went near the boy named “Condenado,” and they didn’t play with him or anything. So they left him alone.

But Condenado, the Devil’s Child, wasn’t sad; instead, he organized his own games and went into the woods to gather herbs, because his grandmother knew about medicinal plants and he used to accompany her.

He also went with his dad when he went to the milpa, and with his mom when she went to gather firewood, and there his dad and mom taught him which animals are dangerous and should be avoided, which are harmless and won’t hurt you, which look alike but are different, and what they’re called.

So the boy learned the names and habits of many animals, as well as the names of many plants and what they’re used for. And the boy made a notebook: on one page he wrote the names of all the animals he knew, and on another page the names of the plants.

Then one day the boy was looking through his notes and noticed that the ants weren’t there. So he went and asked his dad about the ants.

His father was arguing with his mother because the pozol was sour, it just wasn’t right, and the two of them were nagging each other, just as couples who love each other tend to do. The boy asked again if ants are good or bad. And the man, since he was still arguing, just told him, “Ants are ants.”

So the boy thought that meant no one knew whether ants were good or bad, and that’s why he had to study them.

And the boy began to study the ants: where they walk, where they live, what they do. And he learned that there are different kinds of ants. He observed and analyzed several anthills, and saw how organized the ants are—that is, they have divided up the work and roles: some go out to explore, some gather food and bring it back to the anthill, some care for the young, some defend the colony, and some just slack off, depending on the situation—that is, they’re lazy.

But the boy wasn’t satisfied and thought he needed to investigate further. So he came up with a mischievous plan: he went to see the Monarch and told him he had to find and show him videos of the ants. The Monarch looked at him—he was just a little kid—and asked who had told him to do that. The boy told his lie that it was an order from SubMoy.

The Monarch didn’t believe him and asked the boy his name. The little boy said his name: “Damned Devil’s Child,” and then the Monarch got scared that maybe he really was the devil’s, and, no matter what, he had to find the videos and show them to the boy.

That night, the Monarch couldn’t sleep because he was afraid of the devil. Because the Monarch gets scolded by SubMoisés, and he gets scolded by Captain Marcos. If the devil is going to scold him too, well, that’s just too much.

But that’s how the boy learned more about the ants, how they’re organized, and the roles and jobs they have.

-*-

 Once, after a really intense rain—that is, after a storm—the boy went to check on an anthill near his hut. There were little streams of water around the entrance to the anthill.

And the ants coming out of the ant hill’s entrance seemed confused, wandering back and forth. Suddenly, one of them crawled into the hole, and other ants followed behind her, marching as if they were an army.

There is no one in command, but the soldier ants quickly organize themselves and grab each other’s legs, forming a bridge over one of the streams. Then the other ants follow, crossing the bridge and heading where they need to go to find food and explore.

Once the sun dries up the little streams, the soldier ants let go and return to the anthill, and then head out again to do their assigned work.

The boy is very impressed by what he saw and is left thinking about it.

-*-

 On another day, while they are at school with the love-struck and distracted education promoter–the poor thing, sighing with love—the GALs from that town arrived and told her that at the GALs’ general assembly, the highest Zapatista authority, it had been decided to invite SubMoy to give a talk, and he would be in town that day, and SubMoy asked about the school and they showed him, and SubMoy said: “I’m going to give a talk to the girls and boys, so that from a young age they understand what is being done.”

And with that, SubMoy comes into the classroom, but the education promoter barely notices him and is just in a corner sighing and sighing for her distant love.

Then SubMoy realizes that the compañera hasn’t even seen him and greets the boys and girls. “Good morning,” he says to them, “my name is Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés and I’m going to give you a little talk.”

And, right away, SubMoy begins to explain what the común is, and the pyramids, and political work, and the sciences, and the arts, and military training to defend oneself, and all that.

And the children remain silent, as if they didn’t understand a thing, just as those from the Interzona remain silent, not wanting to participate because it quickly becomes clear that they didn’t understand a thing since they were distracted by their cell phones or picking their noses.

So, since everyone is quiet and even the town’s GALs are staring at their muddy boots—basically, they’re just standing there like ducks—SubMoy asks the boys and girls if they understood the explanation.

No one says a word; it’s completely silent. Even SubMoy thinks he’s at an Interzona meeting, and he’s about to leave when a boy raises his hand.

SubMoy stops at the door, turns back, and tells the boy to speak up.

The boy just says, “Ants.”

SubMoy raises an eyebrow, as if he doesn’t understand, and says, “Okay, go ahead and explain that about the ants.”

And the boy begins to describe what he saw in the anthill—how the ants were organized, how each one had its own job, how they support each other, teach each other, and even heal one another, and what happened after it rained, and how one group of ants was tasked with caring for, protecting, and supporting their ant community.

SubMoy listened carefully, turned to look at the committee members accompanying him, and gave them a look that seemed to say, “Aren’t you ashamed that a kid gets it, but you grown-ups can’t even explain it?” The committee members kept playing dumb, acting like they weren’t even there.

Then SubMoy congratulated the child and asked him his name. And the child replied, “Condenado Chamaco del Demonio,” but one of the GALs approached and told SubMoy that he is the grandson of an elderly couple, Zapatistas since before the uprising.

SubMoy asked the boy why he was called that, and the boy looked at the education promoter, who was still sighing, and said, “Because of love”; then the boy looked at the teacher trainer and added, “And because of love lost.”

SubMoy laughed heartily for a while, shot a dirty look at the promoter, shot a dirty look at the teacher trainer, and invited the boy to eat with him the raw tamale that the local women cooks had prepared.

“All single women,” said Captain Marcos, “because they don’t know how to make tamales, and that’s why they never even catch a cold, let alone find a partner.”

In reality, it was SubMoy’s trick to get the boy to eat the tamale first, and if it didn’t make him sick, then SubMoy would eat it too.

-*-

 No one even said hello to the Captain. That’s what he gets for talking trash about the cooks.

But the Captain didn’t care, because he ate all the chamoy candy and marshmallow pops that were meant for the Popcorn Command.

And in the end, the Captain’s tummy still hurt from eating so much candy.

Tan-tan.

From the Mountains of the Mexican Southeast

The Captain
January-February 2026.

Originally published at Enlace Zapatista on March 18th, 2026.
Translation by Schools for Chiapas.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=30172 #chiapas #ezln #mexico #northAmerica #zapatista

Tell Them That We Must Resist, We Must Rebel, We Must Live. Letter from Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés to Luis de Tavira.

To: Maestro Luis de Tavira.
From: Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés.

Compañero Tavira:

I send you our greetings on behalf of Zapatista children, elders, women, men, and non-binary people.

From one theater director to another, I send you a warm embrace. We are happy that your health has improved a little and that you are now able to attend this tribute organized by your closest family and friends.

Here we continue in the struggle, in our resistance and rebellion which, as you well know, also walks through the arts and sciences. A few weeks ago, the art and culture coordinators and theater artists wrote you a letter, and you responded. That warmed our hearts because we understand that you see us as we see you: as a compañero in the struggle for life.

As we well know, the storm is growing stronger and deadlier in every corner of the world, and it is the disadvantaged who suffer the most.

But, as you have rightly said on several occasions, the arts are also a way of fighting for life. And those of us who fight, resist, and rebel also learn and teach through the arts and sciences.

The struggle for life in these difficult and hard times is fought with the head, the heart, and the guts. And all three have to do with each person’s history. Those of us who are of what we call native, indigenous blood are different. We are different in our heads, hearts, and guts from those who have another language, another way, another history. But we are made equal in the sciences, the arts, and the struggles. And even more so now that the struggle is for life, because the capitalist system is determined to destroy all of humanity.

We find life on earth. Others in science. Others in the arts. Others in their history.

Perhaps some think that each person should look out for their own life, but the current situation leaves no room for individual struggle. All of us are in mortal danger. Distinct, different, each according to their geography, their calendar, their way, we become equal in recognizing the criminal and in the struggle to defeat him.

Our effort, as Zapatistas that we are, is so that the day after the death of the inhuman beast of the system, we do not do the same, and that other monsters are not born from our roots. Other pyramids, we say, we the Zapatista communities.

What we want is another world where we can be ourselves. Not all the same as copies, not all with the same way of being, but each one what they are and want to be, without oppressing those who are different, without trying to make them like us, but respecting those who are not like us. A world without exploitation, without repression, without theft, without contempt.

We salute you, maestro. Tell those close to you that geography and circumstance do not matter, nor do age or health. Tell them that we must resist, we must rebel, we must live.

A hug from your compañerxs, the Zapatista peoples.

Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés.
Mexico, February 2026.

Original text published at Enlace Zapatista on March 13th, 2026.
Translation by Schools for Chiapas.

https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=29991 #chiapas #ezln #mexico #northAmerica #zapatista

12 Women in Year 12 (in the Second Year of the War)

In the 12th year of the EZLN, thousands of miles away from Beijing, 12 women arrive on March 8, 1996, with their faces concealed.

  • Yesterday…
  • Her face covered in black, only her eyes and some hair at the nape of her neck remain visible. In her gaze, the sparkle of someone searching. An M-1 carbine slung across her chest, in what is known as the “assault” position, and a pistol at her waist. On her left chest, the seat of hope and conviction, she wears the insignia of Major of Infantry of an insurgent army that, until that frosty dawn of January 1, 1994, called itself the Zapatista Army of National Liberation. Under her command is the rebel column that assaults the historic capital of the southeastern Mexican state of Chiapas, San Cristóbal de Las Casas. The central park of San Cristóbal is deserted. Only the indigenous men and women she commands witness the moment when the Major, a Tzotzil indigenous woman and rebel, collects the national flag and hands it over to the leaders of the rebellion, the so-called “Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee.” Over the radio, the Major reports: “We have recovered the flag. 10-23 stand by.” It is 2:00 a.m. southeastern time on January 1, 1994. 1:00 a.m. on New Year’s Day for the rest of the world. She waited ten years to say those seven words. She arrived in the mountains of the Lacandon Jungle in December 1984, less than twenty years old and with a lifetime of humiliation of indigenous people etched on her body. In December 1984, this dark-skinned woman said, “Enough is enough!” but she said it so quietly that only she could hear herself. In January 1994, this woman and tens of thousands of indigenous people no longer say but shout “Enough is enough!” They say it so loudly that everyone hears them…

    On the outskirts of San Cristóbal, another rebel column commanded by a man—the only one with light skin and a large nose among the indigenous people attacking the city—has finished storming the police station. Indigenous people who spent New Year’s Eve locked up for the most serious crime in southeastern Chiapas—being poor—are freed from clandestine prisons. Eugenio Asparuk is the name of the insurgent captain, a Tzeltal indigenous rebel who, with his enormous nose, directs the search of the station. When the Major’s message arrives, Insurgent Captain Pedro, a Chol indigenous rebel, has finished taking over the Federal Highway Police barracks and securing the road between San Cristóbal and Tuxtla Gutiérrez; Insurgent Captain Ubilio, a Tzeltal indigenous rebel, has controlled the northern accesses to the city and taken the symbol of government handouts to the indigenous people, the National Indigenous Institute; Insurgent Captain Guillermo, a Chol indigenous rebel, has taken the most important high ground in the city, from where he dominates with his gaze the surprised silence that peeks through the windows of houses and buildings; Insurgent Captains Gilberto and Noé, Tzotzil and Tzeltal indigenous people respectively, rebels alike, finish storming the state judicial police headquarters, set it on fire, and march to secure the edge of the city that connects to the 31st military zone headquarters in Rancho Nuevo.

    At 2:00 a.m. Southeast Time on January 1, 1994, five insurgent officers, all men, indigenous and rebels, listen to the radio and hear the voice of their commander, a woman, indigenous and rebel, saying, “We have recovered the flag, 10-23 stand by.” They repeat it to their troops, men and women, indigenous and rebels in their entirety, translating. “We’ve begun…”

    In the municipal palace, the Major organizes the defense of the position and the protection of the men and women who are currently governing the city, all of whom are indigenous and rebels. A woman in arms protects them.

    Among the indigenous leaders of the rebellion is a small woman, small even among small women. Her face is covered in black, leaving only her eyes and some hair at the nape of her neck exposed. Her gaze has the sparkle of someone who is searching. A sawed-off 12-gauge shotgun is slung across her back. Wearing the unique costume of the sandreseras, Ramona descends from the mountains, along with hundreds of women, heading for the city of San Cristóbal on the last night of 1993. Together with Susana and other indigenous men, she forms part of the indigenous leadership of the war that dawns in 1994, the Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee-General Command of the EZLN. Commander Ramona will astonish the international media with her stature and brilliance when she appears at the Cathedral Dialogues carrying in her backpack the national flag that the Mayor recovered on January 1. Ramona does not know it at the time, and neither do we, but she already carries in her body a disease that is eating away at her life, silencing her voice and dimming her gaze. Ramona and the Mayor, the only women in the Zapatista delegation that is showing itself to the world for the first time in the Cathedral Dialogues, declare: “We were already dead, we didn’t count for anything,” and they say it as if taking stock of humiliations and forgetfulness.

    The Major translates the journalists’ questions for Ramona. Ramona nods and understands, as if the answers they are asking for had always been there, in that small figure who laughs at Spanish and the way city dwellers behave. Ramona laughs when she doesn’t know she is dying. When she finds out, she continues to laugh. Before, she didn’t exist for anyone; now she exists, she is a woman, she is indigenous, and she is a rebel. Now Ramona lives, a woman of that race who has to die in order to live…

    The Major watches as daylight begins to fill the streets of San Cristóbal. Her soldiers organize the defense of the old town and the protection of the men and women who are still asleep, indigenous and mestizo, all taken by surprise. The Major, a woman, indigenous and rebellious, has taken the city. Hundreds of armed indigenous people surround the old Royal City. A woman in arms commands them…

    Minutes later, the rebel forces take control of Las Margaritas, and hours later, the government forces defending Ocosingo, Altamirano, and Chanal surrender. Huixtán and Oxchuc are taken as a column advances on the main prison in San Cristóbal. Seven municipal capitals are in the hands of the insurgents after the Major’s seven words.

    The war of words has begun…

    In those other places, other women, indigenous and rebellious, are rewriting the piece of history that they have had to bear in silence until that first day of January. Also nameless and faceless are:

    Irma. An indigenous Chol woman and insurgent infantry captain, Irma leads one of the guerrilla columns that take the plaza of Ocosingo on January 1, 1994. From one side of the central park, she and the fighters under her command harassed the garrison guarding the municipal palace until they surrendered. Then Irma let down her braid, and her hair fell to her waist. As if to say, “Here I am, free and new,” Captain Irma’s hair shines, and continues to shine as night falls on Ocosingo, now in rebel hands…

    Laura. Insurgent Infantry Captain. A Tzotzil woman, brave in battle and in her studies, Laura becomes captain of an all-male unit. But that’s not all: in addition to being men, her troops are recruits. With patience, like the mountain that watches her grow, Laura teaches and commands. When the men under her command hesitate, she sets an example. No one carries as much or walks as far as she does in her unit. After the attack on Ocosingo, she withdraws her unit, complete and in order. This fair-skinned woman boasts little or nothing, but she carries in her hands the rifle she took from a police officer, one of those who only saw indigenous women as objects to be humiliated or raped. After surrendering, the police officer, who until that day thought that women were only good for cooking and bearing children, runs away in his underwear…

    Elisa. Insurgent Infantry Captain. She carries, as a war trophy, mortar shrapnel forever embedded in her body. She takes command of her column as it breaks through the ring of fire that fills the Ocosingo market with blood. Captain Benito has been wounded in the eye and, before losing consciousness, reports and orders: “They’ve got me, take command Captain Elisa.” Captain Elisa is already wounded when she manages to get a handful of fighters out of the market. When she gives orders, Captain Elisa, an indigenous Tzeltal woman, seems to be asking for forgiveness… but everyone obeys her…

    Silvia. Insurgent Infantry Captain, ten days inside the mousetrap that Ocosingo became on January 2. Disguised as a civilian, she slips through the streets of a city full of federal troops, tanks, and cannons. A military checkpoint stops her. They let her pass almost immediately. “It’s impossible for such a young and fragile girl to be a rebel,” say the soldiers as they watch her walk away. When she rejoins her unit in the mountains, Silvia, a Chol indigenous woman and Zapatista rebel, looks sad. I cautiously ask her the reason for the sadness that dampens her laughter. “Back in Ocosingo,” she replies, lowering her gaze, “back in Ocosingo, all my music cassettes were left in my backpack. Now we don’t have them anymore.” She remains silent, holding her sorrow in her hands. I say nothing, I just share her sorrow and realize that in war, everyone loses what they love most…

    Maribel. Insurgent Infantry Captain. She takes over the Las Margaritas radio station when her unit storms the municipal capital on January 1, 1994. She spent nine years living in the mountains to be able to sit in front of that microphone and say: “We are the product of 500 years of struggle: first against slavery…” The broadcast is not made due to technical problems, and Maribel retreats to cover the unit advancing on Comitán. Days later, she will have to escort the prisoner of war, General Absalón Castellanos Domínguez. Maribel is Tzeltal and was less than fifteen years old when she arrived in the mountains of southeastern Mexico. “The most difficult moment of those nine years was when I had to climb the first hill, the hill of hell. After that, everything got easier,” says the insurgent officer. When General Castellanos Domínguez is handed over, Captain Maribel is the first rebel to make contact with the government. Commissioner Manuel Camacho Solís shakes her hand and asks her age: “502,” says Maribel, who counts her birth year from when the rebellion began…

    Isidora. Infantry insurgent. As a private, Isidora enters Ocosingo on January 1. As a private, Isidora leaves Ocosingo in flames, having spent hours evacuating her unit, composed entirely of men, with forty wounded. She also has shrapnel in her arms and legs. Isidora arrives at the medical station and hands over the wounded, asks for some water, and gets up. “Where are you going?” they ask her as they try to treat her wounds, which are bleeding, staining her face and reddening her uniform. “To bring the others,” says Isidora as she loads ammunition. They try to stop her but cannot. Private Isidora has said she must return to Ocosingo to rescue more of her comrades from the death song sung by mortars and grenades. They have to take her prisoner to stop her. “The good thing is that if they punish me, they can’t demote me,” says Isidora as she waits in the room that serves as her prison. Months later, when she is given the star that promotes her to infantry officer, Isidora, Tzeltal and Zapatista, looks alternately at the star and at the commanding officer and asks, like a scolded child, “Why?” She does not wait for an answer.

    Amalia. Second Lieutenant of Health. With the quickest laugh in southeastern Mexico, Amalia lifts Captain Benito from the pool of blood where he lies unconscious and drags him to safety. She carries him on a stretcher and pulls him out of the death belt that surrounds the market. When someone talks about surrendering, Amalia, honoring the Chol blood that runs through her veins, gets angry and starts arguing. Everyone listens to her, even above the noise of explosions and gunshots. No one surrenders.

    Elena. Lieutenant of Health. She arrived at the EZLN illiterate. There she learned to read, write, and what they call nursing. From treating diarrhea and giving vaccinations, Elena goes on to treat war wounds in her little hospital, which is also her home, warehouse, and pharmacy. With difficulty, she extracts the pieces of mortar lodged in the bodies of the Zapatistas who arrive at her medical post. “Some can be removed and others cannot,” says Elenita, a Chol and an insurgent, as if she were talking about memories and not pieces of lead…

    In San Cristóbal, on the morning of January 11, 1994, she communicates with the big-nosed, fair-skinned man: “Someone has arrived who is asking questions, but I don’t understand the language. It sounds like he’s speaking English. I don’t know if he’s a journalist, but he has a camera.” “I’m on my way,” says the big-nosed man, adjusting his balaclava.

    He loads the weapons they recovered from the police station into a vehicle and heads to the city center. They unload the weapons and distribute them among the indigenous people guarding the municipal palace. The foreigner is a tourist asking if he can leave the city. “No,” replies the balaclava-clad man with the disproportionate nose, “it’s better if you go back to your hotel. We don’t know what’s going to happen.” The foreign tourist leaves after asking for permission and taking a video. Meanwhile, the morning progresses, and curious onlookers, journalists, and questions arrive. The nose responds and explains to locals, tourists, and journalists. The Major is behind him. The balaclava talks and jokes. A woman in arms watches his back.

    A journalist behind a television camera asks, “And who are you?” “Who am I?” hesitates the balaclava-clad man as he fights against sleepiness. “Yes,” insists the journalist, “are you called ‘Commander Tiger’ or ‘Commander Lion’?” “Ah! No,” replies the balaclava-clad man, rubbing his eyes in annoyance. “Then what is your name?” says the journalist as he moves the microphone and camera closer. The big-nosed balaclava-clad man replies: “Marcos. Subcomandante Marcos…” Above, the Pilatus planes fly overhead…

    From that point on, the impeccable military action of the takeover of San Cristóbal becomes blurred, and with it, the fact that it was a woman, an indigenous rebel, who commanded the operation is erased. The participation of women combatants in the other actions of January 1 and in the long ten-year journey of the EZLN’s birth is relegated to the background. The face hidden by the balaclava is further obscured when the spotlight turns to Marcos. The Major says nothing, continuing to watch over that prominent nose that now has a name for the rest of the world. No one asks her name…

    In the early hours of January 2, 1994, this woman led the retreat from San Cristóbal to the mountains. She returned to San Cristóbal fifty days later, as part of the escort guarding the safety of the EZLN CCRI-CG delegates to the Cathedral Dialogue. Some female journalists interviewed her and asked her name. “Ana María. Major Insurgent Ana María,” she replied, looking at them with her dark eyes. She left the Cathedral and disappeared for the rest of 1994. Like her other compañeras, she had to wait and remain silent…

    In December 1994, ten years after becoming a soldier, Ana María receives the order to prepare to break through the siege imposed by government forces around the Lacandon Jungle. In the early hours of December 19, the EZLN takes position in thirty-eight municipalities. Ana María commands the action in the municipalities of the Chiapas Highlands. Twelve female officers are with her in the action: Monica, Isabela, Yuri, Patricia, Juana, Ofelia, Celina, Maria, Gabriela, Alicia, Zenaida, and Maria Luisa. Ana Maria herself takes the municipal capital of Bochil.

    After the Zapatistas withdrew, the federal army high command ordered that nothing be said about the breach in the siege and that it be handled in the media as a mere propaganda stunt by the EZLN. The federal forces’ pride was doubly wounded: the Zapatistas had broken out of the siege and, what’s more, a woman was commanding a unit that had taken several municipal capitals. This was impossible to accept, so a lot of money had to be thrown at it to keep the action from becoming known.

    2. Today

    First through the involuntary action of her brothers in arms, then through the deliberate action of the government, Ana María, and with her the Zapatista women, were minimized and belittled…

    I am finishing writing this when…

    Doña Juanita arrives. With old Antonio dead, Doña Juanita is slipping away from life as slowly as she makes coffee. Still strong in body, Doña Juanita has announced that she is dying. “Don’t talk nonsense, Grandma,” I say, avoiding her gaze. “Look,” she replies, “if we die in order to live, no one is going to stop me from living. And certainly not a young boy like you,” says Doña Juanita, the wife of old Antonio, a woman who has been rebellious all her life and, as it seems, also in her death…

    Meanwhile, on the other side of the fence, there appears…

    She has no military rank, no uniform, no weapon. She is a Zapatista, but only she knows it. She has no face and no name, just like the Zapatista women. She fights for democracy, freedom, and justice, just like the Zapatistas. She is part of what the EZLN calls “civil society,” people without a party, people who do not belong to the “political society” made up of rulers and leaders of political parties. She is part of that diffuse but real whole that is the part of society that says, day after day, “Enough is enough!” She too has said “Enough is enough!” At first she surprised herself with those words, but then, by repeating them and, above all, by living them, she stopped being afraid of them, of herself. She is now a Zapatista, having joined her destiny to that of the Zapatistas in this new delirium that so terrifies political parties and intellectuals in power, the Zapatista National Liberation Front. She has already fought against everyone, against her husband, her lover, her boyfriend, her children, her friend, her brother, her father, her grandfather. “You’re crazy,” was the unanimous verdict. She leaves behind no small thing. Her renunciation, if it were a matter of size, is greater than that of the rebels who have nothing to lose. Her whole world demands that she forget about “those crazy Zapatistas,” and conformity calls her to sit in the comfortable indifference of those who only see and care for themselves. She leaves everything behind. She says nothing. Early in the morning, she sharpens the tender tip of hope and emulates the January 1st of her Zapatista compañerxs many times in a single day that, at least 364 times a year, has nothing to do with January 1st.

    She smiles. She used to admire the Zapatistas, but not anymore. She stopped admiring them the moment she realized that they were only a reflection of her own rebelliousness, of her own hope.

    She discovers that she was born on January 1, 1994. Since then, she feels alive and that what she was always told was a dream and a utopia can be true.

    She begins to quietly and without payment, together with others, pursue that complicated dream that some call hope: everything for everyone, nothing for ourselves.

    She arrives on March 8 with her face concealed, her name hidden. Thousands of women arrive with her. More and more arrive. Tens, hundreds, thousands, millions of women around the world remembering that there is still much to be done, remembering that there is still much to fight for. Because it turns out that dignity is contagious, and women are the most likely to fall ill with this uncomfortable disease…

    This March 8 is a good excuse to remember and give credit to the Zapatista insurgent women, Zapatistas, both armed and unarmed.

    To the rebellious and uncomfortable Mexican women who have insisted on emphasizing that history, without them, is nothing more than a poorly written story…

    3. Tomorrow…

    If there is one, it will be with them and, above all, thanks to them.

    From the mountains of southeastern Mexico,

    Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos

    Published at Enlace Zapatista on March 11th, 1996.
    Translated by Schools for Chiapas.

     

     

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