11 November 1941
"It seems that we’ve come to the first crisis in relations between the ‘allies’!
Today I handed the prime minister Stalin’s reply to his message of 4 November. Churchill received me in his office in Parliament. Eden was also present at my request. We had come together from the Foreign Office, where I had had a preliminary talk with Eden on various issues of the day. When we entered the prime minister’s office, Churchill stood up to greet us and, shaking my hand, said with a friendly smile: ‘Let us have a good talk.’
We sat down at the long table covered in green cloth at which Cabinet meetings are usually held, and I handed Churchill the package I had brought with me. He took out the letter and began reading. I observed his facial expression: it became increasingly dark. Churchill reached the last line and passed the document to Eden in silence.
Then, also in silence, he jumped up from his chair and quickly paced the room a couple of times. It was difficult to recognize the prime minister: his face was as white as chalk and he was breathing heavily. He was obviously enraged. Finally, having gained a measure of control over himself, Churchill uttered: ‘Grave message!
And added icily: ‘I don’t want to answer this message now! I have to consult my colleagues.’
It was said in such a tone that I thought it better to rise and take my leave. But Eden held me back and I remained.
Churchill did not maintain his outward restraint for long. He again paced the room a couple of times, getting more and more worked up. Eventually, he could keep silent no longer: ‘So, Stalin wants to know our post-war plans? We do have such plans – the Atlantic Charter! What else can be said at the present moment?’
I objected that the Atlantic Charter was too general a document and that within its framework (for we also recognize the Atlantic Charter) a number of points could be usefully clarified. Just one example: about three weeks ago Eden, referring to the question Stalin had asked Beaverbrook during the Moscow conference, told me that the British Government would like to build post-war relations between England and the USSR on the basis of friendly cooperation. Couldn’t this matter be profitably solved within the framework of an agreement about the post- war plans of both powers?
‘It’s true that I spoke with you about it,’ Eden commented, ‘but I asked Mr Stalin to express his own thoughts on this matter.’ ‘I am inclined to interpret point (a) of Stalin’s wishes,’ I countered, ‘as a reply to the message you conveyed to me.’ Eden smiled sceptically.
Churchill suddenly flared up again and exclaimed: ‘If you want to turn England into a communist state in your post-war plans, you should know you’ll never succeed!’
‘What makes you think so!’ I protested with a suppressed laugh. ‘Stalin’s last speech should have quite reassured you in this respect.’ The prime minister again took Stalin’s message in his hands and glanced at the second sheet. It was as if he had been scorched. ‘Hm!’ Churchill cried out in fury. ‘I send two of my chief commanders to him but he can’t find the time to see them unless they are authorized to conclude those agreements...’ And the PM poked his finger in vexation at the passage where Stalin mentions the absence of agreements between England and the Soviet Union on mutual military assistance and post-war plans.
‘No, I am not going to propose any more military negotiations!’ continued Churchill in the same tone. ‘Enough!’
The prime minister rapidly paced his office once more and added: ‘And why was it necessary for Stalin to assume such a tone in our correspondence? I am not going to stand for it. I could well say things, too! Who will profit from it? Neither we, nor you – only Hitler!’
I remarked that I could see no grounds for such excitement. What Stalin is now suggesting is essentially what I discussed with Churchill more than two months ago – a joint strategic plan for the conduct of the war. Is that so unreasonable?
‘What strategic plan can there be today?’ Churchill exclaimed with irritation. ‘We are still on the defensive, you are still on the defensive, and the initiative is still in Hitler’s hands... What joint strategic plan can there be under such circumstances? Only to hold out until the moment arrives when we can snatch the initiative from our enemy’s hands – that is our plan!’
‘I agree that for the moment both you and we have to think about defence,’ I interjected, ‘but even defence requires a plan. What will we do in 1942, for instance – you and us? Wouldn’t it be a good idea to agree on that?’
Churchill flared up again as if he had touched white-hot iron, and shouted bitterly: ‘It was me who acted without hesitation on 22 June and offered you my hand, although only a few weeks earlier I had had no idea what you would do! Perhaps you were going to go with Germany?... Who needs all these disputes and disagreements?... After all, we are fighting for our lives and will keep on fighting for our lives whatever happens!’
‘We’re fighting for our lives too,’ I replied. ‘And not badly at that.’
‘You’re fighting superbly!’ exclaimed Churchill with passion. He thought for a minute, glanced at Eden, who had kept silent throughout, and finally added: ‘Right now I don’t wish to respond to Stalin... I might say a lot of undesirable things in the heat of the moment... I’ll consult our people, calm down and then write... You will be duly informed.’
‘Whether or not you like Stalin’s message,’ I remarked in conclusion, ‘there’s little sense in excessive excitement. One must keep a sober and cool head. We have a common cause and a common struggle. If I can help in building bridges, I am entirely at your service.’"
