Yesterday, I posted an excerpt from a speech by Abraham Lincoln from 1859 in which he critically compared wage labor—especially life-long wage labor with no hope of ever graduating to independent production—to chattel slavery.

As hard as it is to imagine today, there was once a robust public debate in the US in which words like “capital” and “labor” and “wage slavery” were explicitly used. Today, the slightest whiff of these would have you accused of communism and brayed off the public stage. Our discourse has gotten *more* restricted over time.

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It’s no coincidence that the debate in which Lincoln had participated was winding down by the 1890s and had virtually disappeared in American popular discourse a few decades later: wage labor won. It’s now so pervasive that most people today probably don’t ever question or think much about it, in the way fish do not question the water in which they swim. It just *is.*

It’s no coincidence because not long after Lincoln’s speech, two things happened.

First, in 1865, chattel slavery was outlawed (except as punishment for a crime) when the 13th amendment took effect.

Second, in 1890, the US census bureau declared the frontier closed, in the sense that there were so many (white) Americans living in western census tracts that there was no longer a meaningful frontier boundary beyond which the US government could ethnically cleanse for more settlement.

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The end of chattel slavery and transition to wage slavery were intrinsically linked. Without the ability to escape to the (genocidally established) frontier and labor for oneself, workers lost any plausible means of escaping wage labor. Surrounded entirely by resources already owned by someone else, they had no choice but to labor for those owners or be starved by those owners.

Without the means to escape, to opt out and labor for oneself, we become trapped. There’s no need for the costly coercive apparatuses of chattel slavery; the much cheaper apparatus of property will do just fine.

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This sounds like a paranoid conspiracy theorist inference but—there’s a running theme here—people at the time explicitly talked in these terms!

In 1862, some anonymous European bankers drafted what came to be known as the Hazzard Circular, a pamphlet which they sent to their American counterparts. In it, they argued quite explicitly that:

“Slavery is likely to be abolished by the war power and chattel slavery destroyed. This, I and my European friends are glad of, for slavery is but the owning of labor and carries with it the care of the laborers, while the European plan, led by England, is that capital shall control labor by controlling wages.”

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They just…said it. Out loud, as it were. Explicitly. If you can control people through wages, that’s cheaper than controlling them as slaves, and you still get work out of them. That’s how capitalism works, folks. It is a transformation of slavery, not its replacement.

In her 1965 work “The Conditions of Agricultural Growth, Ester Boserup made a similar observation:

“Where population is sparse and fertile land abundant and uncontrolled, a social hierarchy can be maintained only by direct, personal control over the members of the lower class. In such communities therefore, both subjugated peoples and individual captives of war are kept in personal bondage. Bonded labour is a characteristic feature of communities with a hierarchic structure, but surrounded by so much uncontrolled land suitable for cultivation by long- fallow methods that it is impossible to prevent the members of the lower class from finding alternative means of subsistence unless they are made personally unfree. When population becomes so dense that the land can be controlled, it becomes unnecessary to keep the lower class in personal bondage; it is sufficient to deprive the working classes of the right to be independent cultivators.”

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All states are, in effect, gigantic engines for mobilizing people and converting their labor into something elites find useful. Until fairly recently, this invariably meant some form of bondage—chattel slavery, serfdom, debt peonage, forced resettlement, corvée (taxes paid in labor), tribute, etc. That is, people had to be directly forced, often at great expense to the coercer.

This was necessary because, as James Scott observes in “Against the Grain,”

“a peasantry—assuming that it has enough to meet its basic needs—will not automatically produce a surplus that elites might appropriate, but must be compelled to produce it.”

Despite all their coercive powers, states in the past always struggled with what we might call leakage—people shirking their obligations or even fleeing the state entirely. Scott argues quite convincingly that the earliest city walls were likely built to keep workers in, not enemies out.

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History is replete with examples: Roman slaves who rose in revolt; American slaves who escaped to Canada; Spartan helots who joined Athenian forces; Mesopotamian peasants who fled and joined “barbarian” communities; European indentured servants who fled to join Native American communities. When we can, we shirk; when we can’t shirk, we try to leave.

Labor has to be monitored, contained, and compelled, often at onerous cost to the elites extracting that labor. Every feudal lord lived in what was essentially permanent garrison duty. Every antebellum slave owner lived in constant terror of a slave revolt. Poor things!

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So when opportunities to compel labor on the cheap come along, our elites will of course jump on them. And the most insidious one they’ve come up with so far is a regime of comprehensive privatization.

If every aspect of your life is already owned by someone else, you *must* gain permission from those owners to be alive. Want to eat food? Want to drink water? Want to shelter your tropical ape body from the elements?

Bad news: all of those things, and all of the resources you might plausibly use to do those things, are already owned. The frontier is closed; there’s nowhere else to go.

Even if every scrap of property in the world had been acquired in a manner that the strictest natural law propertarian found legitimate, the result would be the same: the unfreedom of every non-owner.

And the cost to the owners is pretty manageable, especially when socialized in the form of the state.

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In his work “What Do Bosses Do?” Stephen Marglin observed that capitalist owners had to awkwardly insert themselves as managers in workers’ efforts in order to justify their extraction. Many tasks, he argues, are hyper-specialized not because this is more economically efficient, but because it artificially creates the role of the capitalist as a coordinator of tasks.

Where this *didn’t* happen is in industries where the resources in use were fixed, concentrated, and easy to register with the state and hence police. So, for example, in mining, Marglin found that early capitalists found it unnecessary to insert themselves as bosses. Instead, they allowed teams of miners to manage themselves, waiting outside the mine to collect the revenue from sales without having to get their hands dirty.

What were the miners going to do, steal the mine? Take it with them and set it up somewhere else? Of course not. There was nowhere else for them to engage in their trade on their own. The frontier is closed.

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I’ll close by noting how important concepts like asylum and guesting once were to nonstate and weakly hierarchical societies.

Many Indo-European societies encoded an obligation to host strangers in their religions; think Odin wandering in the guise of an old man or the Ancient Greek principle of xenia, or hospitality, to honor Zeus. The Pashtuns have melmastya, hospitality, and nenawate, asylum, as two key principles of their traditional social code.

In “The Dawn of Everything,” Graeber and Wengrow go so far as to argue that the freedom to abandon one’s community *and expect to be welcomed in another* is a core human freedom that we have lost:

“A North American 500 years ago could travel from the shores of the Great Lakes to the Louisiana bayous and still find settlements—speaking languages entirely unrelated to their own—with members of their own Bear, Elk or Beaver clans who were obliged to host and feed them.”

Without this freedom, we are trapped. Every state border, every checkpoint, every property line hems us in. But we’re surrounded by historical examples of societies in which people committed themselves to hosting and welcoming total strangers, with the understanding that if they themselves ever needed to leave, they too would be free to do so.

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@HeavenlyPossum Thank you yet again for another profound, deeply insightful, and astonishingly well-written essay on capitalism. And thank you for introducing me to the Hazzard Circular, which I hadn't heard of before. This particular passage rhymes with some of my own work and I thought I'd tell you, but my questions aren't necessarily everyone's, hence the CW.

This idea, this kind of explicit expression of wage labor as a transformation rather than a replacement for chattel slavery, which as you say sounds like a conspiracy theory to modern ears, can also be found repeatedly expressed just as openly as the passage you quote after the end of Reconstruction in the Gilded Age Southern US as local capitalists began to accept the reality of their situation, face up to the destruction, and understand that they were going to have to adapt to Northern capitalist methods or lose their control over the local means of production.

In newspapers across the South from c. 1880 on there are endless boosterish discussions of how local economies must transform themselves in order to attract capital. They talk openly about the need for free public schools to produce the requisite variety of workers and the correct municipal laws to control the workers. They talk openly about enclosure of common resources. They talk explicitly about what civic institutions are needed to facilitate industrialization and also real estate development, which many plantation owners whose property was close enough to cities or towns turned to once the end of slavery put an end to the plantation economy but left them with vast tracts of land. At that time it was normal for capitalists to sit on City Councils themselves instead of by proxy like they do now, so it's possible to read their op-eds written as capitalists and the minutes of their Council meetings where they pass precisely the capital-facilitating laws they propagandized for in the editorials. They had nothing to hide, so they didn't hide anything.

I read a lot of these newspapers as part of a long-term project addressing precisely the problem you identify of the actual truth sounding like an implausible conspiracy theory. The idea is generally that the process of capital controlling labor via wages and enclosure happens in the US entirely on a municipal level (glossing over technical thing about unincorporated areas in counties, not a problem for the theory). In short in the United States cities and towns are where the nose meets the grindstone.

That is, capital's method can be understood abstractly with respect to larger jurisdictions, but the more abstract the description the easier it is to feel it as a conspiracy rather than as something we can literally watch happening. On a purely local level, though, it can be seen, or it is possible to see it perfectly concretely. It's not necessary to speculate about an abstract ruling class that skims money/labor through abstractly described processes. The actual ruling class can be identified by name from commercial property records. Their actual communications with City officials can be analyzed through public records act laws (huge asterisk here, but it's possible to do some things this way) and other means. The actual money flowing into their literal coffers can be tracked through public records in many cases.

My idea is that by focusing on a particular municipality in depth and describing the operations of capital in that particular location in concrete terms, it's possible to effectively counter good-faith objections of conspiracy-theorizing. Anyway, it's maybe another way to approach this perennial problem, which you so adroitly addressed. Thanks again for your work, I really, really appreciate it and you.

ETA: I've never read anything by a US historian that takes this POV, or even anything by one who seems to understand at all how American cities actually work in a practical sense. The only book I know that approaches things this way is The Plantation Machine by Burnard and Garrigus. At that time Saint-Domingue and Jamaica were each small enough and locally administered enough to be essentially municipalities. They make the process incredibly clear.

@AdrianRiskin

That’s really fascinating and I appreciate you sharing. I’m more familiar with the British discourse during enclosure (“we have to take land away from the peasants or else they can feed themselves and don’t want to work”) and slavery abolition (“if we deny them land and keep them in debt we can continue forcing them into o work”).

I’m much less familiar with the American historical record on this and in nowhere near that level of granularity. I’d love to see your work when it’s available.

@HeavenlyPossum

What a thought provoking thread. Framing is so important to our ability to comprehend.

I've been self employed for over two decades now, and some days I feel I've missed out on being "nurtured" by employers and other days I feel like I've dodged a prison sentence. Both are true. The main difference between a job and freelance life is that I have a dozen people trying to control me instead of just one!

Thanks for boosting this one @VickiWoodward :)

@VickiWoodward @ewen

Not working for a capitalist is definitely freeing, but true freedom is the realistic option to say no to wage labor entirely.