Op-Ed: The Individual Opposition of Mahfud MD by Kompas.com

The Individual Opposition of Mahfud MD

By Budiman Tanuredjo, Senior Journalist for Kompas.com, April 30, 2025

My friend Sukidi Mulyadi sent me a news link headlined, “Mahfud MD Supports Draft Law on Presidential Power to Prevent ‘Abuse of Power.'” Moments later another colleague shared a different article: “Mahfud Says Constitutional Court Has Outlawed Ministers and Deputy Ministers Holding Two Jobs.”

I describe Mahfud as an early emerging example of the “individual opposition,” that is to say, an opposition that is not formed by political parties or parliamentary structures, but rather by virtue of the person’s moral legitimacy, government experience, and public courage in opposing the dominance of those in power.

Indeed there is no political theory to explain the phenomenon of the “individual opposition,” or what to me is a kind of “citizen whistleblower in a democratic crisis” or a “symbol of counter power.”

On the actual topic of the proposed law, the renewed proposal for a law regulating the exercise of presidential power is a reflection of the current anxiety in the nation and of Mahfud himself. The former Chief Justice of Indonesia’s Constitutional Court is deeply troubled by the state of the law in the country.

He argues that a law regulating presidential power is needed to prevent a president emerging who could potentially commit an “abuse of power,” who would use their position for the benefit of their own group. This would include using their influence for the interests of their own group and family during the “lame duck” period between a presidential election and inauguration.

From the presidencies of Sukarno through to Prabowo Subianto, the nation has never had a law regulating presidential power. There has never been any legislation that even minimally distinguished the president’s roles as head of state, head of government, supreme commander of the armed forces, party leader, and head of their family.

Such a distinction would be aimed at preventing the current conflicts of interest running rampant in the country. One of the causes of these conflicts of interest is the trend to appoint public office holders to multiple positions, as with the double roles of ministers who also serve as chief executive officers or directors of state-owned companies. And this despite the country’s Constitutional Court having prohibited the doubling up of the positions held by ministers and deputy ministers as directors of state-owned companies.

Article 23 of State Ministries Law No. 39/2008 prohibits ministers from holding double positions as: other state officials; commissioners or directors of state-owned or private companies; or leaders of organizations funded by the central or provincial budgets.

The question is, is the State Ministries Law being followed? The answer is clearly it is not! Several ministers and deputy ministers hold double positions as the CEOs of companies, including Indonesia’s sovereign wealth fund Danantara, or as the directors of government owned companies. There are several deputy ministers who hold positions of directors of state-owned governments and this is just ignored.

So what is the point of having included the prohibition against double jobs in the law? Why does Indonesia’s House of Representatives as the body responsible for exercising oversight say nothing? There has been not a critical sound from the House about these violations. But Mahfud has spoken out saying, “This is an indication of corruption,” in an interview with Rizal Mustari on his YouTube channel.

Some legal products have slipped through the cracks of oversight. One such regulation causing concern and uncertainty among palm oil workers is Presidential Regulation No. 5/2025 On the Regulation of Forest Areas. This regulation established a task force to oversee forest areas with the head of the advisory council as the Minister of Defense and a number of other officials as an Executive Board chaired by the Under Attorney General for Special Crimes.

Article 5 of the regulation provides that: Forest Areas as the recovery of assets in Forest Areas as provided for in Article 3 can be undertaken through criminal, civil, and administrative mechanisms in accord with the legislation in force.

After this regulation was issued photos circulated on social media showing areas that had been seized. However, the question is what happens next? I have spoken with a number of palm oil workers concerned about the ongoing operational sustainability and financial burdens of their palm oil businesses. “This has created uncertainty,” they say. The regulation has been identified as raising several issues, such as regulatory conflicts, the institutional structure of the task force led by the Minister of Defense and the Attorney General Office, and the lack of clarify about when criminal sanctions might be used. Governance seems to be a pressing issue needing attention in this country.

For nearly two months media reports have highlighted complaints from the business community about disruptions from criminals. However, there has been no significant effort to solve the problem. Criminals seem to be acting as proxies for the state. The issue of criminal behavior has only recently emerged as a public concern over the past six months and it appears that it is being tolerated. The business community is having to find ways to secure their operations themselves.

A variety of anomalies or irregularities in society seem to be left unresolved. Violations of the law seem to be normalized because there is no accountability. Mahfud has previously said that corruption has permeated the legal system in this country.

But consider philosophers like Aristotle (384-322 BC) who wrote, “law must govern,” and “lawmakers must also be subject to the law.” Cicero (106-43 BC) noted, “we serve the law so that we may be free.” John Locke (1690) wrote, “where law ends, tyranny begins” and John Adams emphasized, “Government of laws, not of men.”

In this country the law is manipulated, regulations are changed to suit the whims of those in power. In Indonesia, the legal system is clearly in disarray. Judicial verdicts can be bought and sold. Legislation is not crafted for justice but for other interests, including “state reclaiming.” Legal instruments come with a price tag, which explains why the House of Representatives does not want to debate a Seizure of Criminal Asset Law. Rather everyone is opting to remain silent.

In the context of the powerlessness of the political infrastructure, or, the lack of a crisis in the institutional opposition, Mahfud’s role has become crucial. In a multiparty presidential system like Indonesia’s, institutional opposition (the House of Representatives, political parties) and civil society organizations are often powerless, having been co-opted by power or because they are complicit in enjoying the benefits of power. The House and political parties have lost their oversight function as they have become part of the cycle of power (executive aggrandizement).

In a context like this, a vacuum has emerged for non-institutional opposition. Figures like Mahfud—who have legal credibility, a track record of reform, and moral authority—can emerge as solitary actors who can provide a check on power.

He does not represent a party, nor is he a formal opposition leader, however his voice can resonate with the public and shake the foundations of power. According to the ideas of Pierre Bourdieu, Mahfud possesses social capital, cultural capital, and symbolic capital. However, he lacks economic and political capital because he does not hold a position of power. Public intellectuals—such as Sukidi Mulyadi, Zainal Arifin Mochtar, Bivitri Susanti, Fathul Wahid, Sulistyowati Irianto, and Yanuar Nugroho, to name but a few—who are still isolated now have to join forces to create a roadmap for repairing the nation and for developing “the opposition of individuals” into a “civil society opposition.” Editor : Sandro Gatra

This post is based on https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2025/04/30/13522401/oposisi-individual-mahfud-md. Featured image credit: WSJ.

In related news:

https://youtu.be/cpDS23Rbpv4?si=GKqPcRDLaX2bhPL_

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Elections: Major Teddy Indra Wijaya, Defense Minister Prabowo’s Aide and President Widodo’s Former Aide, Creating Controversy, Kompas

Major Teddy Indra Wijaya, Defense Minister Prabowo’s Aide and President Joko Widodo’s Former Aide, Creating Controversy

By Fitria Chusna Farisa for Kompas.com, December 18, 2023

JAKARTA, KOMPAS.com – An aide to former Indonesian army general and Indonesia’s current Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto, Major Teddy Indra Wijaya, has been attracting some attention.

The reason is his presence at the first nationally televised debate of the 2024 presidential election candidates, organized by Indonesia’s General Elections Commission (KPU) on Tuesday (12/12/2023).

The debate featured the three presidential candidates standing in the upcoming 2024 presidential election, including former army general and current Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto.

During the debate, Major Teddy was visible seated among the campaign team of Minister Prabowo Subianto and his vice presidential running mate, President Joko Widodo’s son, Mr. Gibran Rakabuming Raka. He was positioned right behind Mr. Gibran.

Major Teddy was also seated close to prominent members of the Prabowo-Gibran national campaign team, such as the Campaign Advisory Board members General (Retd.) Wiranto (a former aide to President Soeharto and former chief of the Indonesian Armed Forces) and General (Retd.) Agum Gumelar. He was dressed in light blue attire, matching the campaign style of clothing being used by Minister Prabowo and Mr. Gibran and members of their national campaign team.

Major Teddy’s presence at the presidential debate has sparked controversy because of his status as a serving member of the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI).

Currently Indonesia’s Elections Supervisory Board (Bawaslu) is reviewing allegations that Major Teddy may have breached the neutrality of the Indonesian military in relation to involvement in elections.

“We are currently conducting an evaluation; we await the outcome today,” said the Chairman of the Elections Supervisory Board Mr. Rahmat Bagja, speaking in Central Jakarta’s Pasar Baru district on Monday (18/12/2023).

Mr. Bagja stated that this evaluation was at the Board’s own initiative. The Elections Supervisory Board conceded it was investigating several viral videos on social media concerning Major Teddy’s presence during the presidential debate.

However, Mr. Bagja said that the Elections Supervisory Board would only present allegations and recommendations regarding whether Major Teddy may have breached the neutrality of the military or not.

If proven, the authority to impose sanctions and penalties lies with the chief of the Armed Forces. “Whether sanctions are imposed or not is at the discretion of the Armed Forces chief. We will process allegations where allegations of breaches arise,” he said.

So who is Major Teddy?

Profile of Teddy Indra Wijaya

Major Teddy Indra Wijaya is an Indonesian Armed Forces officer who is a member of the Army’s Special Forces Command or Kopassus. He is an alumnus of Taruna Nusantara Senior High School in Magelang, Central Java.1

After completing high school, Teddy pursued further education at Indonesia’s Military Academy (Akmil) graduating in 2011.

With three years of military service, Major Teddy’s career soared. While holding the rank of First Lieutenant (Lettu), he was entrusted with the task of serving as an aide to President Joko Widodo during the President’s first term from 2014 to 2019. After this, he pursued further military education in the United States.

Ranger Tab

During his studies in the US, the Red Beret Corps soldier was remarkably successful. According to the official Armed Forces Army website, Major Teddy succeeded in achieving the ranger tab, indicating he meets the qualifications for elite US Army troops or the US Army Ranger School.

Ranger School itself is the most elite soldier education program in the US Army, producing US Army Ranger graduates for the 75th Ranger Regiment. The School operates a grueling selection process, including physical endurance, land navigation, tactical tests, and leadership assessments. The graduation rate ranges from 20 to 25 per cent of the total student population.

In November 2019, Major Teddy emerged as the top graduate of the US Army Infantry School at Fort Benning, earning the title of International Honor Graduate from among 185 officer students, consisting of 171 American officers, and 14 foreign officers.

On his return to Indonesia, Teddy, now holding the rank of Major, was entrusted with serving as an aide to Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto in President Joko Widodo’s “Advanced Indonesia Cabinet”.

Previously Mentioned by Prabowo

Recently Minister Prabowo referred in public to Major Teddy being a former aide to President Joko Widodo. This occurred during his attendance at a joint prayer event with clerics from Banten province, held at the residence of former Lebak district head Mr. Mulyadi Jayabaya on Sunday (3/12/2023).

During the event, Minister Prabowo spoke for over 35 minutes, during which time he quipped that he could have spoken for two hours, but that his aide, none other than Major Teddy, was already giving him the eye. It was then that Minister Prabowo revealed Teddy’s past as aide to President Widodo.

However, he said for reasons unknown, Major Teddy was now assigned to accompany him. “Ladies and gentlemen, my aide has been giving me the eye. Standing in front of me, his eyes are fixed on me. He used to be Jokowi’s (President Joko Widodo’s) aide. But for some reason he’s now been assigned to me,” Minister Prabowo stated.

Minister Prabowo then discussed the direction of President Widodo’s support in the 2024 presidential election. He admitted that he wouldn’t dare to claim that President Widido supported him, but he would let the public make their own assumptions based on the aide currently supporting him.

“I dare not claim and cannot say that President Jokowi (Joko Widodo) supports me. But, perhaps you can figure it out for yourself,” said Minister Prabowo, who was met with applause.

This article is based on https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2023/12/18/16300231/sosok-mayor-teddy-ajudan-prabowo-eks-ajudan-jokowi-yang-kini-tuai. Featured image credit: Teddy Indra Wijaya (left) still holding the rank of major, accompanying (then) Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto at the Presidential Palace, Jakarta, July 8, 2024 (Tempo/Subekti) https://www.tempo.co/politik/komunikasi-prabowo-teddy-indra-wijaya-2081010.

Meanwhile in social media

https://twitter.com/kompascom/status/2041475912445968595?s=20

In related news:

https://youtu.be/mC9Laq5gcQk?si=dT5GisTtMttczg56

Footnotes:

  • Taruna Nusantara – “Patriots of The Archipelago” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taruna_Nusantara. ↩︎
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    #Iklans - Kenali #Peran #Iklan Luar #Ruang dalam #Kampanye #Politik. Dalam kegiatan #pemilu maupun #pilkada, berbagai #partai berlomba-lomba menarik perhatian #masyarakat dengan menjalankan kampanye politik. Salah satu #strategi kampanyenya ialah dengan beriklan di luar ruangan atau Out-of-Home Advertising (OOH). Iklan tersebut dipilih karena dapat menarik perhatian masyarakat. Bahkan, pada tahap lebih lanjut, juga…

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    #Iklans - Kenali #Peran #Iklan Luar #Ruang dalam #Kampanye #Politik. Dalam kegiatan #pemilu maupun #pilkada, berbagai #partai berlomba-lomba menarik perhatian #masyarakat dengan menjalankan kampanye politik. Salah satu #strategi kampanyenya ialah dengan beriklan di luar ruangan atau Out-of-Home Advertising (OOH). Iklan tersebut dipilih karena dapat menarik perhatian masyarakat. Bahkan, pada tahap lebih lanjut, juga mampu mempengaruhi banyak orang

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    Elections: Indonesia’s Labor Party Strengthening the Working Class Against Elitist Politics by Project Multatuli

    Strengthening the Working Class Against Elitist Politics, Project Multatuli

    By Amalinda Savirani for Project Multatuli, February 21, 2024

    Preliminary counting in Indonesia’s February 14, 2024, legislative election indicates that the prospects for the Indonesian Labor Party to gain seats in the country’s House of Representatives are far from optimistic.

    Indonesian General Election Commission figures show the Labor Party has gained 0.63% of the vote, or approximately 1.3 million votes (data as at February 20, 2024, with 58.95% counted).

    Below threshold

    This figure falls below the current statutory 4% vote threshold, or quota, required to gain seats in the national legislature under the current electoral law.

    For a party established just three years ago, aiming to exceed the 4% mark, which would require around 7 million votes, is an ambitious target. For example, the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI), which has participated in two elections, controversially led by the youngest son of outgoing President Widodo, and with the benefit of the president’s high approval rating, is also likely to fail to win legislative seats.

    At the same time the Labor Party’s efforts may offer a fresh alternative in the electoral struggle. In the interim tally, the Labor Party’s count has exceeded that of other parties founded only three years ago, such as the Ummat Party, founded by National Mandate Party (PAN) founder, and 1998 anti-New Order regime activist, Mr. Amien Rais, along with the Crescent Star Party (PBB), Garuda Party, and Nusantara Awakening Party (PKN). Also, local vote tallies in industrial regions are showing higher results than the national average, particularly in the highly urbanized and industrialized districts of Tangerang and Bekasi bordering Jakarta.

    Urban working poor

    The Labor Party has emerged from an alliance of worker groups covering laborers, farmers, fishermen, domestic workers, urban poor, and informal sector workers, including the army of online motorcycle taxi drivers (referred to variously as ojol, ojek or gojek).

    The party’s focus has been on welfare issues affecting the working class. During its final campaign rally on February 8, banners displaying party policies such as maternity leave rights for women, pensions, abolition of outsourced labor contracting, internships, and health insurance hung around the Jakarta’s major Senayan Istora stadium.

    The party’s primary focus currently is the repeal of Law No. 11/2020 Concerning Job Creation, also referred to as the Omnibus Law, which severely disadvantages workers.

    Union involvement

    The Labor Party’s participation in the February 14, 2024 national legislative elections marks the culmination of a long journey of union involvement in electoral politics over the past 20 years. Over this time, many union leaders have stood as legislative candidates through a variety of political parties. For example, current Labor Party leader Mr. Said Iqbal once served as a legislative candidate representing the Riau Islands province in the 2009 legislative election.

    Organized labor and Prabowo’s Gerindra Party

    In 2014, a “go-politics” campaign experiment by labor unions in Bekasi District on the eastern edge of Jakarta resulted in two labor figures becoming members of the district legislature (DPRD). In 2019, one union leader, Mr. Obon Tabroni (G-Jabar VII), made it into the national House of Representatives standing for the Great Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) Party of the presumptive winner of the recent 2024 presidential poll Mr. Prabowo Subianto. This year, Mr. Obon is again a legislative candidate for Gerindra Party, having declined an offer to join the Labor Party. Mr. Obon sits on a number of House committees, including the House community affairs committee.

    The long game

    The presence of labor unions, as well as the Labor Party, in the election represents an attempt to advocate for workers’ rights which have long been overlooked by the established elite parties. Although the journey of labor unions to participate in politics has not yet yielded the result hoped for, their presence has served to consolidate progressive political power in the elections. Efforts such as these are crucial as a stepping stone to developing long-term strategies for the 2029 and 2034 elections.

    Defense against injustice

    The Labor Party’s presence in electoral political contests goes beyond merely efforts to break through the current statutory legislative threshold requirement. Through the Labor Party the present working class alliance has laid an initial foundation serving as a rallying point, and fostered a collective spirit to continue consolidating progressive parts of the community. Supporting progressive parties is a means of defense against injustice.

    Injustice for the working class covers at least five areas.

    Indonesian Labor Party supporters at last  election campaign rally on February 8, 2024. Banners showing the party’s program hang around Istora Senayan stadium. The main focus of the party is repeal of Law No. 11/2020 Concerning Job Creation (the Omnibus Law) harming workers. (Labor Party archives)

    Rights stripping Omnibus Law

    Firstly, there is the passage of Law No. 11/2020 Concerning Job Creation (the so called Omnibus Law). Through this law the government pushed further neo-liberal practices in the labor market by expanding the role of outsourcing in labor hire practices, and extended Fixed-Term Employment Agreements (PKWT) from 3 to 5 years.

    Growing informal sector

    Secondly, Indonesia’s economic structure continues to undergo de-industrialization with the manufacturing sector’s contribution decreasing from 29% in 2014 to 19% in 2022. The service sector’s contribution to national income continues to rise reaching 52% in 2022. The majority of the service sector is informal and therefore exempt from formal labor regulations, including minimum wages and other basic workers’ rights.

    Labor market mismatches

    Thirdly, unemployment continues to rise. National Statistics Agency (BPS) data from August 2023 indicates there are 7.86 million unemployed individuals in Indonesia. At the same time, in 2022 Indonesia’s universities produced 1.85 million graduates, and vocational schools produced 1.63 million graduates. However, their skills do not always match the needs of the labor market.

    Removal of unions from wage setting mechanisms

    Fourthly, labor unions have been weakened further through the enactment of Regulation No. 78/2015 Concerning Wages, which abolished the role of labor unions and the formerly-used tripartite mechanism in the setting of wages. Minimum wage determinations no longer involve the tripartite mechanism, which included the Ministry of Labor, employer representatives, and labor unions. Rather now the current mechanism uses formulas based on national economic growth, and inflation rates, for wage fixing.

    Under the tripartite mechanism, labor unions made submissions advocating wage levels based on the decent living wage (KHL) index, compiled through the monitoring of prices affecting workers’ living needs. The trend in wage increases since the enactment of Regulation No. 78/2015, around 2.4% per year, is significantly lower compared to the increases won using the tripartite mechanism that included labor unions.

    Digital workers

    Lastly, demographic shifts are impacting young workers (Generation Y/millennials and Generation Z), who are more likely to be engaged in the creative sectors and frequently work part-time, and or as freelancers. These jobs lack social security systems from employers. Many of them have established labor unions, including the “Sindikasi” Union.

    A mother speaks at the opening of the Sidoarjo branch of the Indonesian Labor Party in Prasung Village, Sidoarjo, East Java, September 2023. (Labor Party archive)

    Distrust in political parties

    A portion of the public has lost faith in political parties. Political parties are seen as tools of the elite who prioritize their own interests over the interests of their voter constituents.

    Cases of political party corruption have become too common, almost a daily occurrence. Political parties indeed have mechanisms to revoke their members’ mandates once they are in the legislature, but such removals often relate to internal party interests, rather than constituents’ concerns.

    Cartel parties

    A study indicates that post-1998 democratic reform movement (Reformasi) political parties in Indonesia lack clear ideological differences and work programs. All the parties appear the same. This similarity has led some experts to describe the Indonesian party system as a system of cartel parties.

    Unlike Indonesia’s first post-independence elections in 1955, which featured five ideological bases for parties—radical nationalism (represented by the Indonesian Nationalist Party, or PNI), communism (represented by the Indonesian Communist Party, or PKI), Javanese traditionalism (influencing both PKI and PNI), modern Islam (represented by Masjumi), and traditional Islam (represented by NU)—the New Order regime banned ideologies other than the official state philosophy known as The Five Principles, or Pancasila. [After wiping out the PKI in the late sixties,] the New Order regime amalgamated the party system, finally leaving only nationalism and Pancasila-aligned Islam. With the overthrow of the New Order in 1998 and the ascendancy of the Reformasi democracy reform movement, ideological variants, particularly Islamic, resurfaced, represented by the Justice Party/Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

    Nationalism in name

    Nationalist ideology is often used as a shield against foreign ideological influences and is not necessarily tied to party positions on policies. When the pro-employer so-called Job Creation Law was being debated, only the Islamic Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) opposed it, staging walk outs during the legislative sessions that approved the law. Other parties, with nationalist ideologies of various types, supported the law, including the largest party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) of Megawati Sukarnoputri.

    Entertainment venue tax proposal

    On other policy areas, such as increases in entertainment venue taxes, parties also lack clear positions regarding their nationalist ideologies. This case became viral when popular performing artist Inul Daratista protested on her social media account. After a meeting with the Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investment Gen. (Hon.) (Redt.) Luhut Panjaitan, the tax increase was postponed.

    Kissing the ring

    The chair of the Indonesian Labor Party is often seen engaging with major political parties, including when its leaders kissed the hand of former Central Java Governor and presidential hopeful Mr. Ganjar Pranowo, endorsed by PDI-P, which at the time was still supported by President Joko Widodo.

    Support the party, not its president

    However, PDI-P is one of the parties that supported the enactment of the Job Creation Law. Internally, there is fragmentation among labor unions. Mr. Andi Gani Nena Wea, one of the Labor Party’s initiators, became part of Mr. Ganjar Pranowo’s campaign team, despite the Labor Party not officially endorsing any of the three presidential candidates. This situation further fuels doubts about party elites. Hence, on social media, statements such as “support the party but not its president” often appear in reference to the Labor Party.

    One alternative

    In short, the Labor Party was born in the context of high distrust in democratic institutions. However, at the same time what options are available for civil society in the current representative democracy? We need alternative parties with clear programs to fight against injustice. At a time when most civil society groups in Indonesia focus on moral movements that tend to be anti-electoral politics, and progressive elements continue to be disappointed at every election, the Labor Party has becomes one of the alternatives.

    Notes on Labor Party Inclusivity

    One noticeable aspect of the Indonesian Labor Party’s recent campaign activities has been the limited presence of women in leadership positions within the party. Almost all party leaders standing on stage are men.

    In order to become a party of the future, Indonesia’s Labor Party must be inclusive and encourage women’s involvement in a variety of capacities. The requirement for 30% female candidate representation has facilitated female union members’ involvement in the Labor Party’s work.

    Support organizations for the Labor Party, such as the Urban Poor Network (JRMK), also encourage marginalized groups to become candidates known as #calegpinggiran (candidates of the margins).

    In this regard, the Labor Party has provided a new electoral channel for ordinary citizens and marginalized groups to become representatives. This is highly unlikely for the major parties with their hierarchical membership processes. Research on female candidates in political parties shows that the waiting time for female candidates is longer in older parties than in newer parties like the Labor Party or the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI).

    Support for the Labor Party on platforms like X (Twitter) also comes from youth groups, most likely part of the younger generation dissatisfied with elite parties and seeking alternative options. They are supporters outside the traditional circles and base of the Labor Party in the manufacturing sector in industrial areas. They are freelance workers becoming increasingly aware of their rights as workers. Thus, the 2024 elections have expanded the Labor Party’s support base and serve as an asset for long-term party consolidation.

    However, the expansion of Indonesia’s Labor Party also requires a commitment to prevent and combat the high incidence of violence against women in the workplace. Only by being inclusive can the Labor Party become a modern party and a reference point for Generations Y and Z.

    Amalinda Savirani is a lecturer in the Department of Politics and Government at Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta.

    This post is based on https://projectmultatuli.org/konsolidasi-kelas-pekerja-partai-buruh-melawan-politik-elitis. Featured image credit: Indonesian Labor Party supporters at last election campaign rally on February 8, 2024. Banners showing the party’s program hang from the ceiling of Istora Senayan stadium. The main focus of the party is repeal of Law No. 11/2020 Concerning Job Creation (the Omnibus Law) harming workers. (Labor Party archives)

    In related news:

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