RE: https://mastox.eu/@jacobin/116371355778549648

i have ... deliberately, on ethical grounds ... never used this turd company

yet so many people are so selfish that they just don't care, being all focused on me me me

and so the foul beast is fed & grows

#weareselfishcruelbastards #WeAreTotallyFucked #Misanthropy #FuckCapitalism

this is genuinely exciting!

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/apr/07/iran-war-oil-phase-out-fossil-fuels

dare i even hope? me, an archly cynical depressed misanthropist who usually finds she's correct re the endless shitfuckery of this species, could even i dare to hope here?

ofc i'm sure that elbow's owners will instruct him to give it the thumbs down.

#ClimateCrisis #NonLinear #TippingPoints #PositiveFeedbackLoops #FossilFools #RenewableEnergy #ChangeTheSystem #StateCapture #RightToProtest #Biodiversity #WeAreTotallyFscked #Misanthropy #Karma #NativeForests #StopLoggingNativeForests #FsckCapitalism #CognitiveDissonance #auspol #WhyTheFuckIsLabor

jfc

here's a really radical idea...

just entirely drop the fetish for leather altogether

if society becomes defetishised for leather, then ipso facto none of these shitty faux leather monstrosities are needed

at all

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2026-04-07/vegan-leather-not-as-sustainable-eco-friendly-as-claimed/101622944

it really ain't rocket science

#leather #vegan #weareselfishcruelbastards #wearetotallyfucked #misanthropy #AsteroidNow

Bei mir stapeln sich die Pfandflaschen. Kein Bock, die zum Discounter zu schleppen. Ich denke, ich schmeiß die einfach weg. Die Umwelt? Die geht eh den Bach runter. Wie alles andere. Aber keine Sorge, die kommt wieder auf die Beine. Der Mensch hoffentlich nicht!

#Recycling #Nature #Humanity #Misanthropy #Truth #QWP

https://www.thesaturdaypaper.com.au/comment/topic/2026/04/04/why-iran-makes-pauline-hanson-more-dangerous

by Marcia Langton:

Two events in March appear to be only tangentially related, yet their coincidence caused me great consternation. First, the United States and Israel commenced military operations against Iran, stating that their goal was to destroy its nuclear and missile capabilities, eliminate threats to Israel, and pursue regime change. In the same month, the election in South Australia resulted in several lower house seats and one upper house seat being won by Pauline Hanson’s One Nation party.

The conflict in the Middle East has already destabilised fuel markets and sharpened public anxiety. In this febrile environment, both Hanson and US President Donald Trump pose a threat to social order. While millions of people in the US marched to protest against Trump’s war, in Australia the pundits continue to focus on Hanson’s poll data. They are oblivious to the threat she poses, claiming Australians are “sensible” and “centrist”. Yet when one in five voters supports One Nation and its vile mix of conspiracy theories and racism, it’s time to acknowledge that a significant part of the electorate has shifted sharply to the extremist right.

Pauline Hanson is dangerous not because she remains a grotesque nativist from 1990s Queensland but rather because her rhetoric has been absorbed into the ordinary calculations of Australian politics. That is the real story, not the tedious recitation of the polling data. For three decades, she has converted racial grievance into durable electoral power. While the major parties have condemned the ugliest episodes, they have harvested the preferences and moved the centre to accommodate the sentiment. What was once treated as aberrant is now managed as part of the landscape. That accommodation is the failure.

When Hanson stood up in federal parliament in 1996 and declared that Australia was “in danger of being swamped by Asians”, the nation recoiled. Leaders condemned her. Commentators predicted her swift irrelevance. Nearly three decades later, she is still there – still in the Senate, still finding new minorities to target, still laundering white supremacist slogans into mainstream debate. The 2017 burqa stunt, the 2018 “it’s okay to be white” motion, and her repeated pandemic-era scapegoating of Chinese and Asian communities were not random provocations. They were examples of the same method: take fear, humiliation or uncertainty and translate it into racial blame.

Hanson has understood, with consistent political instinct across three decades, that racial anxiety is electorally productive when it remains just barely within the boundaries of respectable discourse. Her skill lies in framing bigotry as common sense, in presenting the targeting of minority communities as the defence of a silent majority. Each provocation generates outrage among critics while energising her base, who interpret that outrage as proof she is speaking truths others are too cowardly to voice.

Hanson’s persistence matters. She is not merely saying offensive things on the margins of public life. She has helped to create a political environment in which racial blame is repeatedly recycled and in which other leaders lack either the courage or the seriousness to confront it. The result is a slow corrosion of civic standards. What should be unthinkable becomes debatable. What should be rejected becomes negotiable.

The normalisation of Pauline Hanson’s politics is dangerous precisely because the world is becoming less stable. There is a particular danger in normalising far-right rhetoric during periods of global instability. Crisis alters the political atmosphere. It produces fear, disorientation and a hunger for explanations equal to the scale of public distress. The far right does not explain crisis, but it racialises it. It takes diffuse insecurity and gives it a face. It tells the anxious majority the nation has been betrayed not by structural failures or political cowardice or global disorder but by those marked as outsiders within.

Far-right rhetoric does not gain power only from prejudice; it gains power from crisis. When people are frightened by war, surging fuel prices, economic shocks, unaffordable housing, precarious work and the erosion of trust in institutions, they become more susceptible to conspiracy theories and narratives that convert complexity into blame. Hanson has understood this with remarkable political instinct.

What follows is not just an uglier political vocabulary. It is a deeper distortion of public life. Legitimate grievances are detached from their real causes and fastened to racialised targets. Anger that should be directed at structural failures is redirected towards minorities with the least power to shape the conditions being denounced. The effect is emotionally satisfying and politically catastrophic. It offers explanation without truth, agency without power and belonging without solidarity. Hanson’s star appearances at the March for Australia rallies, organised surreptitiously by white extremists and neo-Nazis, boosted her support.

The attempted bombing of an Invasion Day rally in Boorloo/Perth, a year after the violent attack on Camp Sovereignty in Melbourne by neo-Nazis, demonstrates that the consequences of racialised political rhetoric are no longer confined to speech. In Perth, a homemade explosive device was thrown into a large gathering of predominantly First Nations people, an act authorities have treated as a terrorist incident. In Melbourne, neo-Nazi groups mobilised against an Aboriginal protest site, bringing organised intimidation and violence into civic space.

These are not isolated aberrations. They emerge from a political environment in which Indigenous presence, protest and claims to justice are persistently framed as threats, and in which racial grievance is normalised within public discourse. When such narratives are repeated, legitimised, or left insufficiently challenged, they do not remain abstract. They circulate, harden and, in some cases, are acted on.

The escalation is visible in a broader pattern of racialised hostility that has intensified in recent months. In 2026, mosques and Islamic institutions across Australia have been subjected to threats, vandalism and intimidation, particularly during Ramadan. Lakemba Mosque received multiple threatening letters invoking mass violence and referencing the Christchurch massacre. In West Melbourne, a mosque was temporarily closed after a suspicious package prompted a bomb squad response. At Kilmore there were incidents involving fire damage, and threats have deepened anxiety within Muslim communities and prompted calls for round-the-clock security at places of worship.

These events follow a string of anti-Semitic attacks, including the firebombing of the Adass Israel Synagogue in Melbourne and the torching of a kosher cafe in Sydney. Security agencies linked both fires to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. These attacks and others culminated in the Bondi massacre, where 15 people were killed during Hanukkah celebrations.

In such an environment, war and instability escalate division. The more precarious the world becomes, the more dangerous it is to license those who offer internal enemies in place of public reason. That is the lesson the political establishment still refuses to learn.

For 30 years, the default strategy of both Labor and the Coalition towards One Nation has been essentially the same: condemn the most egregious moments publicly, avoid sustained engagement and quietly calculate the preference flow. This is not moral leadership. It is political risk management and it has failed on its own terms.

Every time a major party leader issues a tepid condemnation and moves on, Hanson’s base hears confirmation that she is saying what others will not. Every time a Coalition government accepts One Nation preferences without condition, it ratifies her place in the political ecosystem. Every time a Labor leader avoids confrontation for fear of alienating regional voters drifting towards One Nation, those voters are left entirely in Hanson’s hands.

That is why the timidity of the major parties is not a secondary matter. To accommodate this rhetoric in the name of electoral management is to prepare the ground for something worse. In times of global crisis, with deep and widespread economic and social impacts, the laundering of racist grievance into respectable debate does not remain rhetorical for long. It degrades democratic judgement, legitimises exclusion and weakens the civic capacity our society needs to confront this crisis without turning on itself.

This is the contradiction at the centre of Labor’s current posture. On the one hand, it invokes cohesion, civility and national unity. On the other, it continues to drift rightwards in response to the bloc of voters rallied for years by Hanson’s racial grievance politics. When a major party adopts the frames, anxieties or exclusions cultivated by the far right, even in softened form, it ratifies the damage while pretending to manage it.

It is not fringe groups operating in the shadows that normalises racism in Australian public life. It is racism operating in plain sight, from positions of parliamentary authority, met with institutional timidity. When the Senate is the stage, the audience is the nation. Hanson’s achievement has been to make racial grievance and conspiracy theories appear ordinary, negotiable and politically useful. The parties that have accommodated her bear responsibility for that transformation.

Pauline Hanson’s nativism and populism is spreading like a wildfire and finding more fuel among the white extremist movements. This presents a highly dangerous internal risk to the nation.

Australia’s major party leaders need to stop triangulating around Pauline Hanson and start confronting her – not cautiously, not with media performances and carefully worded press releases about “social cohesion” and “progressive patriotism” but directly, consistently, and by name. The more precarious the world becomes, the more dangerous it is to license those who confect internal enemies in place of public reason.

#AusPol #WhyTheFuckIsLabor #HahahahaLiebs #NatsAreNuts #GreensYEAH #VoteGreens #VoteProgIndies #PHONkedinthehead

#AusPol #TheVoice #iVotedYes #FsckenStrayaVotedNo #Racism #VotedNoGetKarmaComebackYouRedneckRacists #Misanthropy #FirstNations #AlwaysWasAlwaysWillBe #InvasionDay

This comes as a surprise to no one, just a disappointment to the troglodytes trying to persuade others that ‘they really care about women and children’.

And who the feck dresses like that to mange the beasts?

http://archive.today/2026.04.02-151002/https://www.thetimes.com/life-style/sex-relationships/article/tradwife-lifestyle-hostility-women-txmdxkjn6

#Misogynist and #Misanthropists to a man (generally)

#Misogyny #Misanthropy #Tradwife