RE: https://norden.social/@nilz/116809827310521747
Die meisten finden 90€ für ein #TShirt zu teuer. Beim Aspekt #Fairness war ich selber unsicher. Dazu habe ich folgende Links gefunden, die eher von 30-60 Euro für ein fair produziertes Shirt ausgehen.
Insofern wäre meine Meinung, ja, zu teuer - es sei denn, es gibt noch einen persönlichen Grund, z.B dass es einem herausragend gefällt.
AI Fairness Threatened
Low-cost AI models compromise integrity. Discover the risks to AI fairness
Squid Game 'fairness' II
Latest #SenseOfFairness blog:
... #Fairness matters, deeply, to #SquidGame, just not in the way that its organisers claim...
http://senseoffairness.blog/2026/06/15/squid-game-fairness-ii/
UK at a Crossroads with Starmer’s Exit: Welfare, Warfare, and the End of Managed Politics?
Keir Starmer’s resignation is not just the fall of one leader; it is the collapse of a political model. Labour abandoned welfare politics, normalised warfare politics, and lost legitimacy by looking morally evasive at home and complicit abroad.¹ ² The deeper backlash reflected not one issue but a post-COVID mood of austerity fatigue, immigration anxiety, supply-chain insecurity, and a cost-of-living crisis intensified by inflation.³ ⁴ ⁵ It also sits within the wider disillusionment that followed a decade of Brexit politics: people were promised control, pride, and renewal, but were left with division, stagnation, and a sense that no one in power was telling the truth plainly.² ³ ⁴ The plain economic lesson many voters draw is simple: only fix what is broken, or risk breaking what is still working.
The collapse also exposed a geopolitical credibility gap. Starmer’s government looked aligned with US hegemony while posturing against Russia, even though Britain’s own energy vulnerability made that stance feel strategically self-defeating.⁶ ⁷ If Britain wants real resilience, the debate must now include hydrocarbon independence, including whether strategic North Sea assets should be renationalised rather than left to Thatcher’s privatised legacy.⁷ ⁸ The practical answer to post-Brexit drift is not nostalgia, but competence: rebuild industrial capacity, secure supply chains, invest in energy, and stop treating sovereignty as a slogan rather than a policy.
Starmer’s betrayal of Corbyn
Starmer’s rise began with a break from Corbynism that was not just ideological but disciplinary. He helped dismantle the movement energy that had briefly made Labour look like a vehicle for welfare, anti-austerity politics, and pressure from below.⁹ Earlier critiques of Labour’s internal hollowing-out captured the result: the party kept the language of social justice while stripping out much of the substance.¹⁰
That mattered because it left Labour easier to control but harder to trust. The Corbyn rupture was not a side issue; it was an early stage in the collapse of Labour’s emotional and political coalition.⁹ ¹⁰
Gaza and the credibility gap
Gaza turned that hollowing-out into a public moral crisis. The government answered civilian slaughter with caution, legalism, and partial measures that many saw as too late and too limited.¹¹ ¹² Gaza became the ghost of Starmer’s leadership, haunting every claim he made about values, legality, and restraint; the bloodshed of innocents never sleeps.¹² ¹³
The deeper problem was constitutional as well as moral: Britain continued arms-related relationships, surveillance cooperation, and diplomatic cover while trying to suppress dissent at home, turning policy into managed contradiction.¹³ ¹⁴ Starmer’s human-rights past only sharpened the hypocrisy.¹¹ ¹⁵
Elite networks
The Mandelson connection reinforced the sense that Labour had become too comfortable inside elite circuits and in hock to the Epstein class. Mandelson symbolised a political culture of lobbying, influence, and insider choreography.¹⁶ That helped convince many voters that politics was being done for established networks rather than ordinary citizens.¹⁷
Welfare not warfare
The phrase that best captures the broader failure is still welfare not warfare. Starmer’s collapse reflects the cost of prioritising caution abroad, control at home, and elite reassurance over security, housing, pay, and public services.¹⁸ The same logic runs through domestic deprivation and foreign-policy complicity: managed consent over democratic energy, procedural legitimacy over moral seriousness.¹⁸ ¹⁹
Under the replacement
The prognosis under Starmer’s replacement is mixed unless Labour changes substance, not just style. A new leader may restore discipline, but discipline is not legitimacy, and a cosmetic reset will not fix years of betrayal, moral evasion, and elite insulation.²⁰ If the successor also fails to put voters first above foreign and corporate conflicts of interest, Labour will remain vulnerable to abstention, protest voting, and deeper detachment.⁴ ¹⁸
Andy Burnham is the most plausible successor in the public imagination, but his prospects are conditional. Having just won a Commons seat, he would need to clear the party’s internal hurdles, and then survive the pressures of a leadership contest; even then, his recent migration comments suggest a pragmatic drift that may reassure some voters while leaving others unconvinced.²¹ ²² He looks less like a clean break than a possible reset within Labour’s existing constraints.
The danger is that this vacuum does not stay empty: it creates space for the far-right to frame anger, insecurity, and betrayal in nationalist and authoritarian terms. When mainstream politics fails to answer austerity fatigue, cost-of-living pressure, migration anxiety, and geopolitical humiliation with credible solutions, it leaves disillusioned voters vulnerable to scapegoating rather than repair.
Still, there is a route back. Labour could restore material credibility through action on living costs, housing, public services, and industrial resilience, alongside a clearer break from elite capture and policy drift. It would also need a more honest foreign policy that prioritises democratic accountability, energy security, and peace over reflexive alignment with outside powers. And after a decade of Brexit disillusionment, politics should stop selling grand narratives and start delivering visible competence, honest trade-offs, and practical improvements people can feel.
Footnotes
¹ BBC News, ‘Keir Starmer announces resignation as prime minister and Labour Party leader’ (22 June 2026), https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cdxd00lg599o
² BBC News, ‘Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s resignation speech in full’ (22 June 2026), https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c621nnq4pm7o
³ BBC News, ‘Starmer considers political future as pressure to quit mounts’ (21 June 2026), https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cn8k1my75gno
⁴ BBC News, ‘Starmer tells BBC “I’ll be PM this time next year”’ (4 January 2026), https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/clygv1ngynjo
⁵ BBC News, ‘Why are UK prices still rising?’ (20 January 2026), https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c17rgd8e9gjo
⁶ TNI, ‘The living legacy of privatisation in the United Kingdom’ (4 December 2024), https://www.tni.org/en/article/the-living-legacy-of-privatisation-in-the-united-kingdom
⁷ Reuters archive, ‘British economy between a rig and a hard place’ (19 October 2009), https://www.reuters.com/article/us-northsea-britain/british-economy-between-a-rig-and-a-hard-place-idUSTRE59J01G20091020/
⁸ UPI Archives, ‘Thatcher to sell North Sea assets’ (20 October 1981), https://www.upi.com/Archives/1981/10/20/Thatcher-to-sell-North-Sea-assets/4467372398400/
⁹ Declassified UK, ‘How Keir Starmer conned the British electorate’ (12 October 2025), https://www.declassifieduk.org/how-keir-starmer-conned-the-british-electorate/
¹⁰ Labour internal democracy / Corbyn inheritance commentary, 2025–2026
¹¹ Declassified UK, ‘Labour allowed dozens of arms exports to Israel after weapons sanctions’ (11 December 2024), https://www.declassifieduk.org/labour-allowed-dozens-of-arms-exports-to-israel-after-weapons-sanctions/
¹² Declassified UK, ‘Keir Starmer’s 100 spy flights over Gaza in support of Israel’ (2 October 2024), https://www.declassifieduk.org/keir-starmers-100-spy-flights-over-gaza-in-support-of-israel/
¹³ AOAV / Declassified UK, ‘Britain sent over 500 spy flights to Gaza’ (27 March 2025), https://aoav.org.uk/2025/why-did-the-uk-government-withheld-details-of-raf-spy-flights-as-expose/
¹⁴ AOAV, ‘RAF surveillance flights over Gaza reach 577: AOAV update’ (4 July 2025), https://aoav.org.uk/2025/raf-surveillance-flights-over-gaza-reach-577-aoav-update/
¹⁵ Gaza and protest reporting, 2024–2025
¹⁶ Peter Mandelson profile and commentary in mainstream political coverage, 2024–2026
¹⁷ Elite capture / New Labour / public trust commentary, 2025–2026
¹⁸ Welfare-not-warfare commentary & ongoing truthaholics prognosis 2025–2026
¹⁹ UK Election Analysis, ‘2024: the great election turn-off’ (14 July 2024), https://www.electionanalysis.uk/uk-election-analysis-2024/section-7-news-and-journalism/2024-the-great-election-turn-off/
²⁰ Labour succession analysis commentary, 2026
²¹ BBC News, ‘Burnham says he would seek to enter any Labour leadership contest’ (4 June 2026), https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cp9p9z31rr1o
²² BBC News, ‘UK net migration needs to fall further, says Andy Burnham’ (22 May 2026), https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cjdp9zjdj0mo
„Nach dieser Lesart ist #Effizienz gar nicht das Hauptziel von #Bürokratie, im Gegenteil: Eine gewisse Entschleunigung, die #Deliberation und die bewußte Abwägung ermöglicht, ist wünschenswert, um den von Bürokratie betroffenen Menschen und ihren Bedürfnissen wie auch dem geltenen Recht und den Bedürfnissen der Gesellschaft gerecht zu werden. Die #Langsamkeit von Bürokratie ist damit nicht nur ein reiner Seiteneffekt sondern teils sogar ein Feature, das Eingriffe in laufende Prozesse, Widersprüche und legitime demokratische Einflussnahme überhaupt erst ermöglicht.
[…]
eine Verbesserung kann dabei nie nur auf Effizienz schielen sondern muss die demokratischen Normen und Werte im Blick behalten: #Teilhabe, #Fairness, #Zugang.
[…]
Somit ist die grundsätzliche Ablehnung von Bürokratie als „ineffizient“ oft nur ein Proxy für die grundsätzliche Ablehnung demokratischer Prozesse."
https://tante.cc/2026/06/16/ki-effizienzversprechen-und-der-niedergang-der-demokratie/
Dank an @tante
(Dieser Text ist mein Beitrag zum Sammelband “KI und Demokratie” herausgegeben von Ramona Casasola-Greiner und Korbinian Rüger. Gerade in einer Zeit in der Ministerpräsidenten sich ihre Gastbeiträge und Reden vibe-schreiben lassen oder Bundesminister ihre Reden zum Bundestag oder in Ausschüssen aus irgendeinem Sprachmodell ziehen, während sie nicht müde werden konstant anstelle echter Transformation und Innovation […]
Palestine Action State Proscription, Direct-Action Protest, & Proportionality of Counter-Terrorism Sanctions with Specimen Appeal Draft!
1. Introduction and Procedural History
This analysis evaluates the constitutional boundaries of executive power where the state uses counter-terrorism proscription to suppress domestic political protest groups focused on property damage. The litigation arises from the Home Secretary’s decision on 30 June 2025 to lay the Terrorism Act 2000 (Proscribed Organisations) (Amendment) Order 2025, which formally proscribed the political direct-action group Palestine Action. The Order came into force on 5 July 2025, operating under Section 3 of the Terrorism Act 2000, which permits proscription if the Executive believes an organization is “concerned in terrorism” and that such an intervention is appropriate.
In the Divisional Court, Dame Victoria Sharp P, Swift J, and Steyn J quashed the proscription order. The court held that the Home Secretary failed to follow her own internal policy guidelines and that a total ban was disproportionate under Articles 10 and 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The Divisional Court observed that while a small subset of the group’s actions fell within the statutory definition of terrorism, the scale and persistence of that conduct did not justify collective proscription. It concluded that ordinary criminal law remained fully sufficient to manage targeted property offences.
The Court of Appeal subsequently reversed the Divisional Court’s decision and restored the proscription order. It adopted an expansive interpretation of the statutory definition of terrorism and applied a highly deferential standard of review to the Home Secretary’s assessment of national security. The Appellant, Huda Ammori, has appealed to the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom. This study evaluates the Appellant’s case to challenge the Court of Appeal’s judgment per our understanding.
2. Critical Evaluation of the Appellant’s Case
The Appellant’s case presents a compelling critique of how counter-terrorism legislation can be expanded to suppress domestic political dissent. The core strength of the argument lies in its warning against the erosion of the statutory boundary separating ordinary criminal damage from actual terrorism.
A. The Separation of Criminal Damage from Terrorism
Under Section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000, “terrorism” includes serious damage to property designed to influence a government or intimidate the public for an ideological cause. Treating all ideologically motivated property damage as terrorism collapses an important legal distinction. Under the principle of legality, clear parliamentary authorisation is required before a statutory scheme can be interpreted to allow such intrusive state reach. The Court of Appeal’s over-broad construction risks transforming counter-terrorism law into a general tool for suppressing disruptive public protest.
B. The Problem of “Near-Determinative” Deference
The Appellant’s case identifies a significant weakness in the Court of Appeal’s approach to judicial review. By treating the Home Secretary’s national security assessment as entitled to near-determinative weight, the Court of Appeal replaced independent judicial scrutiny with executive deference. While the Executive holds institutional competence over national security facts, the courts retain the constitutional duty under the Human Rights Act 1998 to determine the legality and proportionality of measures that criminalize political speech and association.
C. Over-Inclusivity and the Collateral Impact on Expression
The Appellant’s case should focus on the rights of non-violent supporters. Proscription is an indiscriminate measure. It does not merely penalise individuals who commit serious property damage; it triggers a strict criminal regime that penalises membership, supportive speech, and associative meetings.
ᴺⁱˡᶻ 🍸 "ᵀʰᵉ ᴺⁱᶜʰᵗˢⁿᵘᵗᶻ"
Bernd von Mallinckrodt 🦋
airanked
Sense of Fairness
| truthaholics
rAIner Agentic Quantum Rehak [ Palestine Action Organization ]
│
┌─────────────────────────┴─────────────────────────┐
▼ ▼
[ Small Core: Violent/Serious Damage ] [ Broad Base: Non-violent Supporters ]
(Target of Section 1 Act) (Swept into Criminal Liability)
By focusing entirely on the organization’s unlawful conduct, the Court of Appeal failed to account for how proscription criminalizes peaceful expressive activity and encourages political self-censorship.
D. Correcting the Misapplication of R v Jones
The Appellant’s case should effectively clarify the proper application of R v Jones [2006] UKHL 16. The Respondent sought to rely on Jones to argue that because the state maintains a monopoly on force, property-damaging direct action is unlawful and its suppression is inherently proportionate.
Critical to Appeal is the fact that Jones is relevant only by analogy. Jones established that an individual defendant cannot assert a domestic criminal defence of “reasonable force” by pointing to a violation of unincorporated customary international law. It does not hold that the state may use counter-terrorism powers to pre-preemptively proscribe an entire political organisation merely because some members engage in disruptive property damage. The Court of Appeal’s attempt to use Jones to establish a judicial moral taxonomy of “restraint” constitutes a clear error of law.
3. Structured Proportionality Analysis
To determine whether the proscription of Palestine Action complies with Articles 10 and 11 of the ECHR, the Supreme Court must apply the four-stage proportionality framework established in Bank Mellat v Her Majesty’s Treasury (No 2) [2013] UKSC 39.
┌─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐ │ BANK MELLAT (NO 2) PROPORTIONALITY TEST │ ├─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┤ │ 1. Legitimate Aim ──► Prevention of Terrorism & Public Safety │ ├─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┤ │ 2. Rational Conn. ──► Partial (Over-inclusive collective ban) │ ├─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┤ │ 3. Necessity ──► Failed (Ordinary criminal law sufficed) │ ├─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┤ │ 4. Fair Balance ──► Failed (Disproportionate rights burden) │ └─────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┘ Limb 1: Is the Objective Sufficiently Important to Justify Limiting a Right?
The Respondent asserts that the proscription order pursues the prevention of terrorism, the reduction of public disorder, and the protection of public safety. The Appellant concedes that these are legitimate aims in principle. Therefore, the first limb of the Bank Mellat test is satisfied.
Limb 2: Is the Measure Rationally Connected to the Objective?
The requirement of rational connection dictates that the chosen measure must be a targeted means of achieving the stated purpose. The Divisional Court found that only a very small number of Palestine Action’s activities fell within the statutory definition of terrorism under Section 1.
Because proscription suppresses all associative activity, it is an over-inclusive response to a narrow subset of unlawful conduct. Banning an entire political movement to stop a fraction of its members from committing property damage lacks a precise rational connection. It penalizes political expression rather than targeting the specific threat to public safety.
Limb 3: Could a Less Intrusive Measure Have Been Used?
The necessity limb serves as a critical safeguard in this appeal. The state must demonstrate that no less restrictive alternative could have adequately addressed the threat.
As the Divisional Court noted, the state possesses an extensive array of targeted legal measures:
The availability of these alternative mechanisms proves that a blanket proscription was not the least intrusive response. The state failed to show why individual prosecutions were insufficient to manage the property damage, making a collective ban unnecessary.
Limb 4: Has a Fair Balance Been Struck Between Individual Rights and Community Interests?
The final limb requires balancing the severity of the rights restriction against the public benefits of the measure. In DPP v Ziegler [2021] UKSC 23, the Supreme Court confirmed that deliberate, disruptive, and obstructive protest can engage Articles 10 and 11, requiring a fact-sensitive assessment rather than an abstract or categorical response.
In this case, the balance is lopsided. The state has imposed a total criminal ban that restricts peaceful political expression and association across the country to address a partial public-safety concern. This blanket approach fails to strike a fair balance, resulting in an unconstitutional restriction on democratic dissent.
4. Conclusion
The Court of Appeal’s judgment represents a significant expansion of the state’s counter-terrorism machinery into the regulation of domestic political protest. By treating organized property damage as terrorism and granting excessive deference to the Executive, the Court of Appeal weakened the judicial protections established by the Human Rights Act 1998.
The Appellant’s case provides a necessary correction. It re-establishes the distinction between criminal damage and terrorism, reasserts the court’s constitutional duty to conduct independent proportionality reviews, and protects the rights of peaceful political advocates. The Supreme Court should allow the appeal and restore the Divisional Court’s order quashing the proscription.
Footnotes
[^1]: R v Jones (Margaret) and others [2006] UKHL 16, [2007] 1 AC 136; on appeal from R v Jones (Margaret) [2004] EWCA Crim 1981 and Ayliffe v DPP [2005] EWHC 684 (Admin). Full judgment transcript available at: UK Parliament Historical Judgments Archive.
[^2]: R (Ammori & Anor) v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2026] EWCA Civ 742 (Judgment delivered 15 June 2026). Full open judgment text available via the HM Courts & Tribunals Judiciary Database: Judiciary UK – Ammori Open Judgment PDF.
[^3]: R (Huda Ammori) v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2026] EWHC 292 (Admin) (Divisional Court consisting of Dame Victoria Sharp P, Swift J, and Steyn J). Official press summary detailing the quashing order available at: Judiciary UK – Divisional Court Ammori Press Summary PDF.
[^4]: Terrorism Act 2000, c. 11. Full statutory architecture accessible at: Legislation.gov.uk – Terrorism Act 2000 Contents.
[^5]: Terrorism Act 2000, Section 1 (Statutory Definition of Terrorism). Text available at: Legislation.gov.uk – Section 1 Definition.
[^6]: Terrorism Act 2000, Section 3 & Schedule 2 (Proscription). Full legislative text accessible at: Legislation.gov.uk – Section 3 Power to Proscribe.
[^7]: Case filings, history, and lower court records as maintained by the HM Courts & Tribunals Judiciary registry: Judiciary UK – Ammori v SSHD Case Profile.
[^8]: Human Rights Act 1998, c. 42, Schedule 1, incorporating Articles 10 (Freedom of Expression) and 11 (Freedom of Assembly and Association) of the European Convention on Human Rights. Layout available at: Legislation.gov.uk – Human Rights Act 1998 Overview.
[^9]: Bank Mellat v Her Majesty’s Treasury (No 2) [2013] UKSC 39, [2014] AC 700, establishing the governing four-limb structured proportionality framework under UK public law. Verified judgment summary available at: Swarb Legal Index – Bank Mellat (No 2).
[^10]: Director of Public Prosecutions v Ziegler [2021] UKSC 23, [2022] AC 408, regarding the fact-sensitive proportionality assessment required under Articles 10 and 11 for disruptive political expression. Verified summary available at: ZoomLaw UK SC Index – DPP v Ziegler.
[^11]: R (Mandalia) v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2015] UKSC 59, affirming that the Executive must adhere strictly to its own published policy guidance. Available at: UK Supreme Court Judgments Database.
DISCLAIMER & IMPORTANT CLARIFICATION:
The document below is a specimen draft prepared independently for the purposes of academic and public law analysis. It reflects our own interpretation of the critical constitutional issues surrounding the limits of state intervention and domestic direct action.
Please Note:
The specimen case draft below is not the official substantive appeal being lodged with the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom by the professional legal counsel representing Huda Ammori and Palestine Action. It is strictly an independent, considered analysis of the broader legal and geopolitical implications of this case.
IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM
ON APPEAL FROM THE COURT OF APPEAL (CIVIL DIVISION)
BETWEEN:
HUDA AMMORI
Appellant
-and-
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE HOME DEPARTMENT
Respondent
APPELLANT’S SKELETON ARGUMENT
A. Introduction
B. Statement of Facts
C. Issues
D. Statutory meaning
E. Deference and review
F. Proportionality
G. Articles 10 and 11
H. Jones
I. Relief sought
Authorities
EU Commission rejects Stop Killing Games, but it's not over yet 🇪🇺
Officials refuse new laws to preserve games, citing copyright. They promise dialogue with industry and a code of conduct. Organizers are ready, pushing the Digital Fairness Act instead. Stay tuned 🔥
#SteamAndEpic #Games #Commission #Organizers #Officials #Fairness
2/2 fordert einen Preis, den er selbst nicht zahlen will. Das eigene Leben für fremde Privilegien zu geben, ist kein Dienst an der Gerechtigkeit, sondern eine Absage an die eigene Würde.
#Gerechtigkeit #Bundeswehr #Kita #Fairness #Philosophie #Soldat #SozialeGerechtigkeit #Frieden #Nachdenken #Demokratie
Muss ein Mobilfunkanbieter wirklich wissen, welchem Geschlecht du angehörst?
Wir finden: nein.
Viele Formulare fragen Dinge ab, die für die eigentliche Dienstleistung überhaupt nicht relevant sind. Geschlecht gehört oft dazu. Deshalb verzichten wir bewusst darauf.
Nicht als Marketing-Gag. Sondern weil Datensparsamkeit, Respekt und Gleichbehandlung für uns zusammengehören.
Gerade im Pride Month erinnern wir daran, dass Vielfalt nicht bedeutet, immer mehr Kategorien anzulegen. Sondern Menschen nicht auf Kategorien zu reduzieren.
Du bist Kund*in. Mensch. Individuum.
Das reicht völlig.
🏳️🌈 Happy Pride Month!
#WEtell #PrideMonth #MobilfunkGehtAuchAnders #Datensparsamkeit #DigitaleSelbstbestimmung #Vielfalt #Inklusion #Fairness #Transparenz #NoGenderNeeded
Steam & Epic Games | Daily
Florian Lancker
WEtell.Mobilfunk