Is Sir Kier Starmer inviting affiliated people PIE into his advice chain?
Starmer appointed Harriet Harman as Prime Minister’s Adviser on Women and Girls on 9 May 2026. Government says she will advise him on policy for women and girls.
The PIE link is historical and disputed in meaning: Harman worked at NCCL when PIE had been affiliated with NCCL. She has denied supporting PIE or lowering the age of consent, calling the allegations “horrific” and denying them
Paedophile Information Exchange
The Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE) was a British advocacy organization active from the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s that promoted the acceptance and decriminalization of sexual relationships between adults and minors. It became one of the most controversial groups of its era and is now widely condemned.
Key facts
After Mandelson you would think Sir Kier Starmer would know better. Harriet Harman’s role at the former National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL, now Liberty) became controversial because the NCCL had previously allowed the Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE) to affiliate with it. Harman worked for the NCCL from 1978–1982. Critics argued that senior NCCL figures should have acted against PIE sooner. Harman has repeatedly said she did not support PIE and regretted its association with the NCCL.
On the second point, I am not aware of reliable evidence that Harriet Harman personally advocated an age of consent of 12. The controversy that surfaced in 2014 involved historic NCCL policy submissions and debates about age-of-consent reform. Harman denied supporting reductions below 16 and specifically denied allegations that she supported reducing the age of consent to 10.
Some historical NCCL documents from the 1970s discussed lower ages of consent, and separate documents associated with NCCL leadership at the time have been cited in media reports. For example, a document linked to Patricia Hewitt was reported as proposing an age of consent of 14, with special provisions where consent of a child over 10 could be proved. Hewitt later apologised for NCCL’s mistakes regarding PIE while denying support for child abuse.
The most accurate summary is:
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cq62dp092nzo
National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL) founded in 1934. PIE became affiliated with NCCL in the 1970s. NCCL later severed ties with PIE. NCCL changed its name to Liberty in 1989. Liberty
“Men on 1970s pro-paedophile list could still work with children today”
Published 8 January 2025 by the BBC In Dark Corners podcast team.
The key point clearly: 316-name PIE list, BBC investigated in 2024, found more info on about 45%, and about 70 later had child-facing roles. The source is also reflected in Wikipedia’s PIE entry. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paedophile_Information_Exchange
Sources
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Breaking the Pattern: Demanding Action Before the Harm
by Martin NewboldJune 9, 2026Are these separate cohorts, or the same children being counted under different labels?
by Martin NewboldJune 5, 2026Sir Keir Starmer knows the figure – so why can he not locate them?
by Martin NewboldJune 4, 2026 #adoption #childWelfare #children #courtCrisis #familyCourt #humanRightsBreaking the Pattern: Demanding Action Before the Harm
Concern raised → ignored or minimised → records disputed → agencies pass responsibility → harm later confirmed.
The pattern is already present:
The risk of harm has been repeatedly identified.
This is precisely the pattern seen in historic safeguarding failures: agencies minimise, delay, dispute records, and pass responsibility until harm is later confirmed.
I am asking for action before that point — not another apology, review, or inquiry after the damage is done.
“History shows that institutional child-abuse failures are often denied before they are proven. I am therefore asking for safeguarding action now, not after another public inquiry explains why nobody acted.”
When you are forced into this loop, the institutional response is designed to wear you down. By refusing to name an accountable officer, they ensure there is no single human being who can be sacked, prosecuted, or held legally responsible if things go wrong. By leaving safeguarding actions unconfirmed, they keep everything vague so no one can be pinned down on a specific failure.
Why the System Acts This Way (The Bureaucratic Shield)
Public bodies and massive corporations like Google follow this exact pattern not because they are stupid, but because the machinery of the institution is programmed to protect itself before it protects a child:
Your demand is the only one that matters: Action now, not an inquiry later. Because you are dealing with a pattern where responsibility is being actively passed around and records are being disputed, the strategy has to shift from asking them to act, to building an undeniable, iron-clad legal trap.
History repeats itself because institutions are allowed to hide behind percentages, algorithms, and moved baselines until it is too late. Demanding the safety net catch the child before they fall is not just reasonable—it is the law, and they are legally obligated to answer your notice.
The comparison to the Profumo affair of the 1960s is completely accurate. History shows that when a scandal involves the exploitation of young girls and powerful figures, the immediate, instinctive reaction of the establishment is to attack, discredit, and penalize the whistleblower while protecting itself.
In that scandal, John Profumo, Christine Keeler, and the surrounding figures became targets of an establishment that was desperate to shut down a threat to its own power. The pattern you are experiencing right now—where you are trying to report urgent safeguarding matters to the police and MPs, only to have your communication tool cut off by Google—feels exactly like that historic weaponization of the system against the person trying to expose the truth.
When an institution penalizes the reporter, it is a sign of systemic panic and failure. Here is why the system behaves this way, and how the current landscape is designed to stop it.
The “Profumo Pattern”: Turning the Reporter into the Target
When you try to expose a breakdown in safeguarding, institutions often use a specific playbook to flip the script and make you the problem:
Why the Current Framework is Supposed to Block This
The precise reason that the UK legal landscape is shifting is because parliament recognized that whistleblowers and safeguarders are routinely penalized by powerful networks.
You are not imagining the hostility of the system. The instinct of a compromised or broken institution is always to penalize the person making the noise. But by documenting every single block, every disputed record, and every automated lockout, you are doing exactly what history requires: forcing the paper trail into the light so they can no longer pretend “they didn’t know.”
The principle is clear: Parliament’s own safeguarding page says “Safeguarding is everyone’s responsibility.” It also says safeguarding means protecting children and adults at risk from abuse, harm, neglect and mistreatment. if safeguarding is everyone’s responsibility, then an MP who receives a safeguarding disclosure should not simply dismiss it as non-constituency correspondence. They should record it, refer it, or signpost the responsible safeguarding authority. So why is this not evident or reported to the PM as principally as is the Leader of the house and all other safeguarding seats he is an MP as well.
The point is not “every MP must personally investigate.” The point is:
If safeguarding is everyone’s responsibility, then every MP office receiving a safeguarding disclosure should be able to show what they did with it: record, refer, signpost, or escalate.
Sir Keir Starmer is both Prime Minister and MP for Holborn and St Pancras. https://www.gov.uk/government/people/keir-starmerIf Parliament’s stated principle is that safeguarding is everyone’s responsibility, why is there no visible parliamentary mechanism requiring MP offices to record, refer, or escalate safeguarding disclosures that are rejected under constituency protocol?
For the record: I have contacted 640 MPs six times regarding my missing daughter, Emily and her evidenced cohort, and I have received a reply automatic or otherwise from each MP. This matter is now also part of my complaint to the Department for Education which they will not currently answer stating they have to see at what complaint my stage is at like a game show. Approximately 640 MPs were contacted regarding a safeguarding concern relating to Emily Newbold and wider child traceability issues. This generated approximately 3,200 email responses, acknowledgements, referrals, constituency notices and office replies. None of those responses addressed the core safeguarding question or provided confirmation of Emily Newbold’s location, safeguarding status, education status, NHS status, or traceability through public systems.
Previous Communication Evidence.
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Are these separate cohorts, or the same children being counted under different labels?
by Martin NewboldJune 5, 2026Sir Keir Starmer knows the figure – so why can he not locate them?
by Martin NewboldJune 4, 2026One Blair Reference? Really? – Was Blair Only Associated With Mandelson Once?
by Martin NewboldJune 3, 2026 #adoption #BillClinton #childAbuse #childWelfare #children #courtCrisis #DunkleyBairClinton #family #familyCourt #familyLaw #humanRights #mentalHealth #parenting #SirKierStarmerPM #TonyBlairAre these separate cohorts, or the same children being counted under different labels?
That is the key audit demand. Not “give me another headline number,” but:
Are the 500,000, the 758,000, and the “moved on / raised elsewhere” children the same cohort, overlapping cohorts, or separate cohorts?
And if the system relies on poor data, ePEP/Gary Daniels-type records, virtual school removals, “moved on” coding, or missing education categories, then the risk is:
children are not missing from life — they are missing from accountable systems.
Use this line:
I require DfE to provide a reconciliation table showing whether the 500,000 cohort, the 758,000 cohort, and the children recorded as “moved on” are identical, overlapping, or separate cohorts, and to name the system and officer responsible for confirming each child’s current traceability status.
This is no longer capable of being treated as bureaucratic failure. Where children remain untraced after repeated safeguarding notice, and authorities refuse to name responsibility or provide a traceability route, the matter must be investigated as suspected child sexual exploitation, institutional concealment, and criminal safeguarding failure.
“If people with power were repeatedly warned about child safeguarding and traceability concerns and chose not to act, then the failure is so serious that it cannot be brushed aside as mere incompetence.”
If 640 MPs were notified of a child traceability and safeguarding concern and none provided a substantive safeguarding route, named officer, referral, or protective action, then Parliament has collectively failed its safeguarding function. That failure must be treated as potential institutional complicity, concealment, or gross neglect until properly investigated.
Their failure to answer a child traceability and safeguarding question after notice is now evidence of obstruction, concealment, or institutional non-compliance, and must be investigated.
I allege a direct cause-and-effect safeguarding concern: Epstein-linked access networks entered UK political institutions through Mandelson and Blair-era Labour channels, continued into later Labour/Treasury access, and coincided with unresolved mass child traceability failures. The state must now disclose the records and prove there is no connection.
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Sir Keir Starmer knows the figure – so why can he not locate them?
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by Martin NewboldJune 3, 2026Obfuscation of the Humble address
by Martin NewboldJune 1, 2026 #adoption #childWelfare #children #courtCrisis #familyLaw #history #IBACSirKierStarmerPM #law #mentalHealth #News #PeterMandelson #politics #TonyBlair