https://www.thesaturdaypaper.com.au/comment/2026/05/22/real-world-budget-selling

Anthony Albanese’s burst of courage, changing his election campaign position of doing nothing on significant tax reform, has triggered more than the expected sound and fury. It is also proving a net positive for his government.

The prime minister has taken a personal hit in the published polls, with the Resolve poll in The Age putting Liberal leader Angus Taylor ahead of Albanese as preferred prime minister, 33-30, with 37 per cent of people undecided – a result not replicated elsewhere.

Labor, however, remains in an election-winning position in all the polls, despite it being the worst received budget since Paul Keating’s treasurer, John Dawkins, broke the “L-A-W” tax cuts promise in 1993.

Still, it was a minority of voters in Newspoll (47 per cent) who described the budget as bad, with 31 per cent saying it was neither good nor bad and 22 per cent finding it was good.

Privately, the prime minister has been rocked by the vehemence of the campaign against the budget, not so much from the “three right-wing parties” but from what he calls “their allies”. By that he means the legacy media, particularly News Corp and its flagship, The Australian.

Despite daily negative stories, canvassing every worst-case scenario, Newspoll found Labor’s primary vote static at 31 per cent, with the Coalition dropping a point to 20 per cent and One Nation jumping 3 points to 27 per cent.

Rival pollster Kos Samaras says this poll shows the budget response was “a lot of noise for what?” He says the polling over the past six months shows “all the moving is on the right and it’s profound”.

It makes Nationals leader Matt Canavan’s call for a snap election over the proposed reforms crazy brave.

Samaras expects his own RedBridge polling to mirror Newspoll, as the other published surveys did this week.

Polling analyst Kevin Bonham’s aggregate of all the polls is 52.4 per cent to 47.6 per cent Labor’s way against the Coalition. His One Nation shadow-2PP has it 52.9 per cent Labor’s way, against 47.1 for Pauline Hanson’s party.

Those numbers come after Angus Taylor threw caution to the wind and attempted to outflank One Nation on anti-immigration sentiment and policy. He promised to end bracket creep, creating a permanent rolling income tax cut. He would also repeal Labor’s changes to capital gains tax and negative gearing, as well as its targeting of tax minimisation in trusts.

But Newspoll found the prevailing view among voters was that the Coalition would not have delivered a better budget. Of respondents, 47 per cent believed that, against 39 per cent who disagreed and 14 per cent who were undecided.

The Resolve poll found broad support for the budget’s big-ticket items on tax reform. More people supported these changes than opposed them, with a significant number either undecided or neutral in their response.

This is in line with Labor’s own focus group research in the immediate budget aftermath. The government has lost skin but not as much as its opponents had hoped. Resolve found 45 per cent thought no less of Labor, against 36 per cent who had changed their view in the negative. A cohort of 15 per cent said the budget had improved their view of the government.

A key Labor strategist says the overall mood of the electorate is grim, with the war in the Middle East turbocharging inflation and fears rising over the security of transport fuels and vital fertiliser needed for primary production. In light of all of this, the strategist said he was not surprised that changes to the way Australians are taxed has made them apprehensive – even if the changes are fairer overall. According to Newspoll, a majority (52 per cent) thought the budget would leave them worse off.

Treasurer Jim Chalmers says his handiwork has involved “a whole bunch of difficult political decisions”, and he is prepared “to wear some political heat for that”. He says he’s very proud of the reforms that are in the budget “because they will make a meaningful difference to the lives of a number of Australians, even if they cause us a bit of political difficulty in the near term”.

Albanese is very keen to have the major tax changes pass the parliament before the winter break in July. His critics say he is doing this to ram them through before there is an even louder crescendo of dissent.

The prime minister says the absence of the legislation is allowing campaigns to be run that “aren’t based on the facts”. He says that when people see the legislation they will be able to assess it for themselves.

Maybe, but it won’t stop the desperate misrepresentations. The Coalition, once again under the influence of Tony Abbott, that archetypal political pugilist, is determined to “fight ... fight ... fight” the changes all the way. They are calling for an extended Senate inquiry, taking evidence all around Australia. It sounds like the sort of roadshow shadow treasurer Tim Wilson successfully ran against Labor’s proposed franking credit reforms ahead of the 2019 election.

Now in opposition, the Liberals would need the Greens to support a similar roadshow if it were to go ahead. Senator Nick McKim has already chaired a Senate select committee inquiring into the capital gains tax discount, but says the balance of power party is “considering our approach”.

As the week progressed, Albanese showed no inclination to buckle under the relentless pressure his opponents and their “allies” were mounting. There is confidence in the higher echelons of the government that the message is resonating and people understand the reforms are directed at intergenerational fairness in home ownership.

A key minister says, “Everyone knows we are fighting for young people to have a chance to own a home.” He believes the fight just means “people value the commitment”.

Analysis by independent economist Saul Eslake suggests Treasury may have been too pessimistic in saying the tax changes would reduce housing supply by 35,000 homes. That’s a figure seized on by the opposition to reject the reform.

Writing in Guardian Australia, Eslake said “it’s possible that the combination of retaining tax breaks for investors in new builds while removing them for prospective investors in established dwellings will prompt a shift in investor demands towards new builds”.

Eslake says the net effect of the tax changes would be to boost the supply of housing rather than reduce it, contrary to what Treasury modelling suggests.

The glaring weakness in the Coalition and One Nation’s rejection of Labor’s reforms is that they have come up with nothing credible of their own to address the housing crisis.

Pauline Hanson says what the government is proposing is “communism” – the wealth transfer she would prefer to perpetuate is from wage-earners to investors. Don’t tell her low-income supporters in regional Australia, but she is not as much on their side as they would like to believe.

Angus Taylor shocked some in the party room when he used his budget reply speech to join Hanson in demonising “mass migration” and promising to discriminate against permanent residents and migrants in favour of “Australian citizens”. There is a belief in the parliamentary Liberal Party that the tough stand taken with little notice by Taylor was heavily influenced by Abbott and his former chief of staff, Peta Credlin. According to one fellow Liberal, Taylor has been “intellectually captured” by the pair.

Moderates are shaking their heads that Taylor shares Abbott’s belief that Peter Dutton failed because he was too weak on culture war issues and immigration policy.

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In the real world, the budget is selling

Anthony Albanese’s burst of courage, changing his election campaign position of doing nothing on significant tax reform, has triggered more than the expected sound and fury. It is also proving a net positive for his government.

The Saturday Paper
https://www.canberratimes.com.au/story/9251600/jack-waterford-why-labors-policies-often-sink-after-launch/

Of all the things which most frustrate the Albanese government is the tendency of ministers to fall into a form of paralysis the moment it meets any sort of organised opposition, particularly from lobbies of the rich and powerful. Even when negative reaction has been predictable and responses to it have been rehearsed, or dealt with in written distributed materials, the first noise from the enemy seems to send the government into a panic, one that has the nervous nellies wondering whether they went too far. Ministers, from the Prime Minister down, suddenly seem to stutter or to stumble into long and detailed explanations of the sort that usually appears only when it is obvious that they are losing the argument.

Most of the arguments advanced against government budgetary measures about capital gains tax, trusts and negative gearing, or about the budget's slight tilt of the balance towards the younger generation do not stand up. Not by the Treasury logic and Labor's statements of intent. Just as importantly by the economic and managerial theories that opponents of the budget usually use to define ideal economic policy. The gap has been crude self-interest of a small but powerful group of older Australians, pretending a bogus concern for younger people who mostly stand to benefit.

The strongest opposition is coming from News Ltd and from segments of the old Fairfax press, not from principle but from the self-interest of a very limited number of taxpayers. Crikey has pointed to the fact that News is these days rather more a real estate business than a media organisation.

Opposition Treasury spokesman Tim Wilson has convenient arguments for preserving the tax status quo. These contradict arguments he has made himself about the inequity of a system which has tilted the balance strongly against younger generations many of whom are effectively shut out from the housing market. That examples of alleged disadvantage produced by the opposition, or from media commentators, come from perhaps five per cent of young voters already with a foot into the system shows how dishonest many of the arguments are. Much fairer criticism, indeed, would come from the proposed slow pace of implementation, and the grandfathering clauses which will slow implementation of the system. It is also noteworthy that many of the more vociferous objectors seem to forget that most of the OECD nations, including the United States, have long had capital gains taxes at full rates and do not permit negative gearing on the Australian model. These comparable nations, incidentally, also have so-called "death taxes" in a far clearer form than anything proposed in Australia.

Angus Taylor, leader of the opposition, has declared that a Coalition government elected to power would repeal the revenue measures proposed in the budget. What can be said with some certainty is that it is a meaningless promise, given the odds against election victory over the next six years. Most likely Taylor, who is hardly inspirational, will be well out of politics by then.

It seems clear from polling for example, that the number of Australians proposing to vote for One Nation has peaked. Even if One Nation support remains greater than the combined primary votes for the Liberals and the Nationals, the lot put together fall well short of the vote supporting the return of the present government, once one includes voters saying that they support the Greens. Indeed, if Labor and the Greens had the guts they would fight an election on a sensible immigration policy.

The idea that the combined anti-immigration vote has peaked, and will fall, makes sense. The One Nation vote is a protest vote, based primarily on general dissatisfaction with government. Its most consistent complaint is alleged high levels of immigration, and complaints that many of the old Coalition has joined, including with promises about artificial limits to immigration quotas. A few Liberals, including ones rather more on the conservative than the moderate side, have made it clear that they support Taylor's immigration policies only through clenched teeth. They see artificially low targets as unwise, because Australia continues to have a strong demand for skilled workers, not least in building affordable housing for younger Australians.

Just as importantly, they have a marked distaste for the broad hostility to migration and migrants, and the dog whistling to Australians of European ancestry about restricting entry of those who might not assimilate, which is to say (cough cough) Indians, African, Chinese and others who would have failed the standards of the old White Australian policy. They are also very doubtful about the political wisdom of going into the gutter by aping One Nation slogans, rather than focusing on clear policy differences, including on immigration. One Nation can be counted on to win any race to the bottom, and it is unlikely that Liberals can hold back the tide of disgust at the present state of the Liberals simply by echoing some of the worst of One Nation sentiments.

If Labor has, on paper at least, the arguments on budget tax policies, why is it not advancing them with passion and with force? It might say that its efforts to do so are being drowned out by the shrill opposition of Murdoch media and the Australian Financial Review and many old Fairfax advocates. There was a time, however, when Labor could routinely win elections in the face of unanimous opposition from the commercial media, if it took the opportunities to enter the argument. In theory, at least, it ought to have many more platforms now from which it can not only argue its case, but refine its arguments for different target groups, including younger Australians, women, the better educated, and people who will be disadvantaged by cuts to aged care, childcare and education. Although disability care through the National Disability Insurance Scheme faces cuts whichever party is in power, many voters would fear that the knife would be sharper from groups, including One Nation, cobbled together to form a government.

It recalls the seeming incapacity of Julia Gillard ever to get any sort of traction or breakthrough with any of the "announceables" that her advisers would have her come up with every Sunday. Always public relations rather than a policy construct, usually from her private office and/or one of her British strategic geniuses, it would, on a Sunday, seem to be bold, based on common sense and probably a good idea. It would be seen as substantial, a serious new initiative. Those doing the marketing would seem enthusiastic and firm, and Labor luvvies from the relevant lobbies would appear to gush over the decision and praise the government.

The initial media would be neutral or positive. By Monday afternoon, other lobbies would have got to work pointing out holes in the plan, and unexpected consequences. It would soon become apparent that there had been no serious "workshopping" of the plan, that potentially adverse lobbies had not been informed or squared, and that cost estimates, made on a minder's napkin were seriously awry. Ministers would suddenly become cautious and uncertain; media commentary would suddenly involve some sharp and well-informed questioning. At Tuesday's question time, there would be some brave but defiant rowing back. By Wednesday the noble plan would have sunk with all hands and never be referred to again. Until next Sunday, of course, when some fresh gimmick in another area, because no one, especially in a prime minister's office ever seems to learn.

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Why this budget's tax reforms are so hard to sell to voters

A government of insiders is losing its connection with voters.

Angus Taylor may have just created half a million new Labor voters

The Coalition’s plan to strip welfare access from non-citizens could accelerate a surge in citizenship and voter enrolment across migrant-heavy suburban seats critical to the Liberal Party’s electoral future.

Pearls and Irritations
‘Foolish’ CSIRO job cuts will mean Australia unable to provide climate projections to global reports, scientists warn

Exclusive: Science agency is planning to sack a third of the team working on the national climate model, sources say

The Guardian
https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/angus-taylor-just-alienated-families-like-mine-and-doomed-the-liberal-party-20260515-p5zxbz.html?ref=rss

This will possibly be the second-last budget reply delivered by a Liberal MP. That reads as hyperbole until you sit with what Angus Taylor actually announced on Thursday night. The Coalition, he told the country, will strip non-citizens of the NDIS, Jobseeker, Youth Allowance and Family Tax Benefit. And this is the part Canberra’s press gallery has not properly digested: the policy includes permanent residents. Welfare for citizens only.

The political logic is straightforward. One Nation just demolished the Liberals in Farrer. Pauline Hanson’s primary is climbing. So the Coalition has picked up her policy folder and read straight from it. Pauline herself said the quiet part out loud: the Coalition has “finally seen the light”.

She was being generous. What the Liberals have actually done is sign a public confession that they no longer have a project of their own. But leave the tactical theatre aside. The truly remarkable thing about this announcement is that Angus Taylor has misread who actually lives in his country.

About 4.5 to 5 million people in Australia are non-citizens. That’s one in six residents. And ABS data tells us that even among permanent migrants, only 59 per cent had taken citizenship by 2021. The rest sit in queues, defer the test, or simply live their lives as permanent residents because the immediate utility of a citizenship ceremony, when you already have full work rights and Medicare, is not obvious from inside the household.

That last word, household, is the one Taylor has not thought about. Non-citizens do not vote. That is the entire premise of his policy. Punish a group with no representation, pick up votes among those who resent them. Clean tactical logic, the kind you can sell to a focus group in Wagga Wagga in 40 minutes. The problem is that non-citizens do not live in demographic quarantine. They live in families. And those families vote.

I grew up in Footscray, then Northcote, then Meadow Heights. Greek household, Greek street. My parents arrived in the wave that filled the factories of inner Melbourne in the 1960s. They worked. They bought houses. A striking number of their generation never naturalised, not from alienation, but because for a woman who left school at 12 in a village in the Peloponnese and now worked the cutting floor in Brunswick, the ledger came out as: what would change? Nothing on the kitchen table. The children, born here, were citizens by birth. The household would vote. The yiayia did not need to sit a test about prime ministers she had never heard of.

That household pattern, a mix of citizens and non-citizens under one roof or living within the same suburb, with the voting members representing the whole, is the operating template of postwar migrant Australia. And it is alive and well in the suburbs that decide elections.

Drive through our big cities, you will find, with statistical regularity, three-generation households. Grandparents on partner visas. Parents on permanent residency, working through the citizenship queue or not bothering yet. Citizen children enrolled to vote, doing the family’s Services Australia paperwork at the kitchen table.

In a great many of these households, the adult children are on the roll while the grandparents are not. It is exactly the shape of the post-WWII migrant family. The citizen kids vote for the household. They vote, very deliberately, for the people in their family who cannot.

Strip the NDIS from a permanent resident and you have not touched a single voter directly. You have touched their daughter. Their citizen nephew, who watched his autistic cousin lose his therapist because a man in Goulburn decided welfare was for passport holders only.

The Liberal Party’s only credible path back into metropolitan Australia runs directly through these households. Bennelong, Reid, Banks, Chisholm, Menzies, Aston, Tangney, Hasluck. Taylor has just told every one of them that in his Australia, their parents are second-class.

He thinks he is chasing Hanson voters in Farrer. He has not considered that the seats he needs to actually form government are the seats where this policy will read as a declaration of hostility against the household.

On Thursday night, the Liberal Party formally walked away from them. Its status as a credible alternative government can be conferred only by the cities. Take that status away and what you have left is not an opposition. It is a permanent third party of regional grievance, fighting Hanson for the same shrinking pool of votes, while Labor governs the country, preparing to face the next emerging opposition party, One Nation. One more election will confirm it. After that, the budget replies will be delivered by someone else.

- Kos Samaras is director of the social research group Redbridge. This is an edited version of his article for Redbridge’s Insights and Intel substack.

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Angus Taylor just alienated families like mine – and doomed the Liberal Party

Immigrant families and their votes are critical to the Liberals’ status as the alternative government. The party just formally walked away from them.

The Sydney Morning Herald
Opinion
One Nation says its ‘next stop’ is western Sydney. Good luck with that
Azadeh Dastyari
Academic

https://www.smh.com.au/national/nsw/one-nation-says-its-next-stop-is-western-sydney-good-luck-with-that-20260514-p5zwqt.html?ref=rss

Barnaby Joyce has declared western Sydney the “next stop” for One Nation following its win in the Farrer byelection last weekend. Big talk, but can Pauline Hanson’s party back it up?

The temptation for One Nation will be to treat the result as a blueprint for conservative politics nationally. But that would be a serious political misreading of western Sydney.

The politics that resonate in parts of regional NSW do not automatically translate to the ’burbs. So what would it take for the orange wave to break on western Sydney’s shores?

Western Sydney is not just another region on the national political map. It is younger, more multicultural and more economically dynamic, with voters focused heavily on opportunity, stability and long-term security.

The region has long been the centre of gravity in Australian elections. Governments are won and lost here. For decades, western Sydney offered conservatives a pathway into metropolitan NSW, built on a message of economic management and aspiration that resonated with mortgage holders, small business owners and growing families.

In 2010 and 2013, that approach delivered. Coalition seats such as Bennelong, Macquarie and Banks were won on the strength of a pitch that spoke to the region’s desire for opportunity. But that pathway has narrowed. From 2016 onwards, the Coalition began to lose ground. By 2022, Labor had reclaimed Bennelong and Reid. By 2025, it had expanded further, picking up Banks and Hughes.

Importantly, the shift is not simply from one major party to another. Where voters have moved away from Labor, they have not necessarily returned to the Coalition. The result in Fowler, where a community independent – Dai Le – secured strong support, reflected a broader political shift. Voters are increasingly open to alternatives when they feel neither major party fully reflects their perspectives.

Could One Nation be the beneficiary of that restlessness?

There are reasons to be sceptical. Pauline Hanson remains deeply unpopular across large sections of a region where more than 10 per cent identify as Muslim. Communities have not forgotten her comments about Islam or statements targeting suburbs such as Lakemba.

Anti-immigration messaging should also be treated carefully in western Sydney. Nearly three-quarters of residents have at least one parent born overseas. More than 100 languages are spoken across the region and communities trace their origins to more than 170 countries.

Migration is not an abstract political issue in western Sydney. It is deeply personal.

This does not mean western Sydney voters oppose discussions about migration, border security or infrastructure pressures. Many residents are concerned about congestion, housing affordability and strained public services. But western Sydney voters tend to distinguish between practical policy discussions and rhetoric that feels divisive or exclusionary, especially if they suspect that they may be the target of that derision.

This is where One Nation faces a political ceiling in western Sydney. The region is not driven by grievance politics alone. It is driven by aspiration.

What people often overlook is just how young western Sydney really is. It is one of the youngest regions in the country, with about a third of residents under 25. While One Nation may be picking up some younger voters nationally, its support base still skews older. That creates a real challenge in western Sydney, where younger voters make up such a significant and influential part of the population.

They will also struggle with voters who are far more focused on everyday pressures than political grievance. People come to western Sydney to build better lives, buy homes, raise families and create opportunities for the next generation. That sense of aspiration still runs deep across the region.

Right now, though, many families feel under strain. Housing affordability is pushing people further from jobs and services. Long commutes, congested roads and overcrowded public transport are part of daily life. Cost-of-living pressures are real and voters are looking for practical answers that make life easier, more stable and more secure.

Despite this, western Sydney remains one of the most ambitious parts of the country. Educational attainment rates are outstripping the national average. Western Sydney’s economy is booming.

Many residents are first- or second-generation Australians who came seeking economic opportunity and stability. Small businesses are everywhere. Historically, this is where the Coalition performed strongly in western Sydney. And that is precisely where One Nation’s ceiling becomes visible.

Major parties have won support in western Sydney, not through grievance politics, but by sounding economically competent, stable and focused on opportunity.

Western Sydney has always rewarded ambition over anger. One Nation may pick up votes, but that’s not the same as winning seats. Only those who can speak to aspiration and opportunity will be able to do that.

- Professor Azadeh Dastyari is the director of the Centre for Western Sydney at WSU.

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One Nation says its ‘next stop’ is western Sydney. Good luck with that

Sydney’s west is young, multicultural and driven by aspiration – not grievance politics. Pauline Hanson’s party may pick up votes, but that doesn’t necessarily mean it can win the region’s seats.

The Sydney Morning Herald
Shaun Carney
Columnist
https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/in-these-bizarre-times-fury-is-being-directed-at-the-opposition-the-liberal-legacy-is-collapsing-20260513-p5zw9x.html?ref=rss

Pass the smelling salts: an Australian government has used a budget to reorganise the economic system and, by implication, the society. What Treasurer Jim Chalmers and Prime Minister Anthony Albanese delivered on Tuesday is not a comprehensive rebuild. You couldn’t even describe it as extensive – not yet anyway. But it is a definitive attempt to bring down the curtain on an era and begin a new one.

The leading figure in the old era was John Howard. There is enormous nostalgia for the Howard days not just among what’s left of the Liberal Party but in large parts of the media and among economists. It was a stable government, with its prime minister, treasurer and foreign minister occupying their posts through all four terms of office. It changed the country.

On its election in 1996, it nominated as one of its key goals the creation of an “investor society” in which most ordinary folks in the suburbs and the regions – so-called mum and dad investors – took out shares and relied on their investments to build wealth along with whatever they earned through their labours. The privatisation of Telstra kick-started that process. The introduction of the 50 per cent discount on capital gains tax followed in 1999, turbocharging property as an investment in tandem with negative gearing. Increasingly generous changes to the tax treatment of superannuation were another element.

Over a quarter of a century, these changes worked well for many Australians – possibly too well. Housing prices rose at a dramatically higher rate than wages, and the investor society has slowly transitioned into a debt-and-stress society for younger Australians. As a result, there is an intergenerational wrestling match going on and the Albanese government has decided to change the rules on negative gearing and the CGT discount to favour the young against the not-so-young.

The reflexive response by the Coalition has been to aggressively – and all too predictably and contrary to its own best long-term political interests – stick with the not-so-young. It has pledged to fight the changes. The government is going where the bulk of voters, the younger generations who will decide future elections, are. Within that younger cohort, anger about a lack of economic security is rising. The government wants to stem that anger, thus insulating itself from the populist wave that’s started washing over the Coalition parties, by attempting to shore up young people’s belief in the political and economic systems.

Perversely, the government’s trust-building effort is built on breaking pre-election pledges not to fiddle with negative gearing and the CGT discount. A lot is being written and said about these broken promises by the media and the opposition. It’s not clear it will have much effect. Most voters these days don’t pay a lot of attention to this stuff because, whether aged hacks like me are happy about it or not, they don’t hang on every word produced by the media. Nor in an age where everyone has their own truth do they see promises by politicians as having been sworn on a stack of Bibles.

To the extent that voters regard these broken promises as something of note, Labor’s 2026 positions on CGT and negative gearing were party policy advocated at an election 10 years ago and at the election after that. In that light, it’s not exactly new information. Something similar happened in the Coalition’s favour in the 1990s regarding the GST, which was Coalition policy in 1991, ruled out explicitly by John Howard in 1996 and taken up again – from office – in 1997. Labor railed about the broken promise at the 1998 election; Howard won, allowing him to implement his plan. Few believed that Howard was serious when he had said he would “never ever” propose a GST.

After many years of so-so budgets by governments on both sides that have involved minor rearranging of the furniture, it’s been slightly confronting to hear Jim Chalmers speaking explicitly about the government’s identification with working people – that is, those on wages – over the wealthy or investing class. The government’s direction has been evident since its election in 2022 with its first-term wages and workplace policies, but the attempt to redirect investment away from property – mild as it is given the grandfathering clauses – takes that to another level. Chalmers stated this explicitly on Tuesday night regarding the negative gearing changes: “This will help rebalance a system which is more generous to assets than it is to labour.”

It’s not hard to view this year’s budget as stage one of a three-stage budgetary project, with a serious rearrangement of taxes on income and business being in the frame as the 2028 election approaches. Whether the government gets to reach that objective depends heavily on how Donald Trump prosecutes the conflict in Iran.

In the meantime, the focus shifts to the formal response. Opposition Leader Angus Taylor will get the biggest moment of his political career with his budget reply on Thursday night. Given that he is in a subterranean intra-party contest with Andrew Hastie for the right to lead the Liberals to the next election, he cannot afford to blow it.

Three months in, Taylor is struggling. His public pronouncements are consistently hyperbolic, encouraging a “why are you saying that?” response. Last week he described the prime minister as “incompetent, is fraudulent and he’s a liar”. On the weekend, he sought to play down the Liberals’ catastrophic result in Farrer by averring that the party had “always had a mountain to climb” at the byelection. What mountain? At the election a year ago, Sussan Ley won the seat with a primary vote of 43 per cent and a vote after preferences of 56 per cent. Last Saturday, the Liberal vote fell 31 points – 31! – and the Liberals’ main purpose in its hitherto safe seat turned out to be to deliver preferences to ensure the seat went to One Nation. That is pure humiliation.

Taylor is under incredible pressure. What’s happening in our politics borders on the bizarre. There’s a political backlash going on, yet it’s chiefly directed not at the party in office but at the opposition. Perhaps that goes some way to explaining why Albanese and Chalmers feel they have the freedom to overtly dismantle the policy superstructure established by Howard and sustained by the Coalition governments that followed and revered him.

- Shaun Carney is a regular columnist, an author and former associate editor of The Age.

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In these bizarre times, fury is being directed at the opposition. The Liberal legacy is collapsing

Pass the smelling salts: an Australian government has used a budget to reorganise the economic system and, by implication, society.

The Sydney Morning Herald
i posit this doomy prediction is largely bullshit

https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/we-re-witnessing-a-hard-right-populist-revolt-there-s-a-way-albanese-can-stop-it-turning-ugly-20260511-p5zvqb.html?ref=rss

afaict before its worst prognostications could actually occur here, we'd have to have
lost the AEC & compulsory voting, & adopted FPtP. silly person. 🙄🤦‍♀️

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We’re witnessing a hard right populist revolt. There’s a way Albanese can stop it turning ugly

Liberal leader Angus Taylor thought he had found the way to staunch the bleeding. He’s since discovered that fighting the hard right populists on their own territory is the path to disaster.

The Sydney Morning Herald
@andyjennings ta heaps for sharing it, Andrew, it was a fascinating read. it does however still dismay me. Kos emphatically & i suspect quite persuasively argues that Labor is still safe from this horrific rwnj wave, but tbh these days i don't care much for labor at all. i want heapsa peeps previously voting labor, to swing instead behind the Greens. Kos' article does not mention such possibility at all, & each time he spoke of those various demographics remaining locked onto labor, i cringed, coz if true then they're not gonna go Greens, & thus all labor's recent decades of timidity, neoliberalism, & capitulation will be rewarded not punished, meaning they'll have no impetus to change. sigh.

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